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The Successors of Qenghis Khan 

Persian Heritage Series 


E. Yar-Shater ( Columbia University) 


I A. J. Arberry ( Cambridge University) 
fW. B. Henning ( University of California) 
|H. Masse ( University of Paris) 

G. Morgenstierne ( University of Oslo) 
B. Spuler ( University of Hamburg) 

G. Tucci ( University of Rome) 

T. G. Young ( Princeton University) 

UNESCO Collection of Representative Works 

This Volume Has Been Accepted 
in the Translation Series of Persian Works 
Jointly Sponsored by 

the Royal Institute of Translation of Teheran, and 
the United Nations Educational, Scientific, 
and Cultural Organization 








John Andrew Boyle 

is Head of the Department of Persian Studies 
at the University of Manchester 
in England 

Copyright (g) 1 97 1 Columbia University Press 
International Standard Book Number: 0-231-03351-6 
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 70-135987 
Printed in the United States of America 

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This is the first of a projected four-volume series which aims at a com- 
plete translation of the first section of Rashid-al Din’s great world 
history. This section, which deals with the Turkish and Mongol tribes, 
Genghis Khan and his ancestors, the successors of Genghis Khan, and 
finally the Ilkhans of Persia, is the most original section of Rashld-al- 
Din’s unique achievement. It is based on first-hand information and 
native sources, much of which is now lost. 

The second section of Rashid al-DIn’s history represents the author’s 
successful attempt at writing for the first time a universal history. 
Beginning with Adam and the Patriarchs, this section “recounts the 
history of the pre-Islamic kings of Persia; of Muhammad and the 
Caliphate down to its extinction by the Mongols in 1258; of the post- 
Muhammadan dynasties of Persia ; of Oghuz and his descendants, the 
Turks; of the Chinese; of the Jews; of the Franks and their Emperors 
and Popes; and of the Indians, with a detailed account of Buddha and 

The translation of the above section will follow the translation of the 
first in the Persian Heritage Series. 

The Persian Heritage Series is published under the joint auspices of 
UNESCO and the Royal Institute of Publication and Translation of 
Iran, affiliated with the Pahlavi Foundation. The Series owes its 
foundation to an initiative of H.M. the Shahanshah of Iran, and enjoys 
his continuing encouragement and support. The Series aims at making 
the best of Persian classics available in the major Western languages. 
The translations in this Series are intended not only to satisfy the needs 
of the students of Persian history and culture but also to respond to the 
demands of the intelligent reader who seeks to broaden his intellectual 
and artistic horizons through an acquaintance with the major world 


p R E F A C E 

The present work was planned as a supplement to my translation of the 
History of the World-Conqueror of Juvaini, which breaks off in the reign of 
the Great Khan Mongke (1251-1259); this section of the Jami‘ al- 
Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din carries the history of the Mongol Empire 
down to the reign of Mongke’s great nephew Temur Oljeitii (1294- 
1307). As the basis of my translation I have used the text established by 
Edgar Blochet and published in the Gibb Memorial Series in 1911. 
The Russian translation by Y. P. Verkhovsky (i960) is made from an 
as yet unpublished text based upon two ancient manuscripts unknown 
to Blochet: one in the State Public Library in Tashkent, undated but 
apparently going back to the beginning of the 14th century, and one in 
the TopkapI Sarayi Library in Istanbul, dated 1317, that is, one year 
before Rashid al-Din’s death. This text is in some respects fuller than 
Blochet’s, containing, for example, details about the Great Khan 
Ogedei’s burial which are absent from the latter text. Such passages 
have been incorporated in the footnotes in translations made from 
Verkhovsky’s Russian version. The chief importance of Verkhovsky’s 
text lies, however, in the better preservation of Turkish and Mongol 
personal and geographical names, which tend to become corrupted in 
the later manuscripts on which Blochet’s text is based. Verkhovsky has 
not always adopted these readings, but they are meticulously recorded 
in his apparatus, which has in consequence been of great assistance in 
solving the onomastic problems Rashid al-Din’s work presents in such 

Many of these problems have of course been long since solved in 
Louis Hambis’s translation of Chapter CVII of the Yuan shih, with 
supplementary notes by Paul Pelliot. The copious genealogical data in 
that work — derived not only from the Chinese sources but also from 
Rashid al-Din — have rendered it unnecessary to reproduce here the 
tables included in Verkhovsky’s but not in Blochet’s text. Instead, I 
have supplied briefer tables, containing only the rulers of the various 
dynasties (see pp. 342-45). The appearance in 1963-1967 of the first 
three volumes of Gerhard Doerfer’s monumental work, Turkische und 
mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, has rendered it equally unnecessary 



to provide a detailed commentary on the Turkish and Mongol words 
and expressions in which the Jami 1 al-Tawarikh abounds. For fuller 
information on these terms the reader is referred to Doerfer’s volumes, 
while such Turkish and Mongol words as are retained in the English 
text are explained in the Glossary (see pp. 339-41), which likewise 
includes a number of Islamic terms of Persian and Arabic origin. No 
work has been of greater assistance in my researches than Pelliot’s 
posthumous Notes on Marco Polo , in which frequent references are made 
to Blochet’s text of Rashid al-Din and much new light is thrown upon 
the historical and geographical problems common to the two authors. 
On such problems I have been able once again, as with my earlier 
translation, to consult Professor Francis W. Cleaves, Professor of Far 
Eastern Languages in Harvard University; I also received much help 
from Dr. Igor de Rachewiltz, Senior Fellow in the Department of Far 
Eastern History of the Australian National University, Canberra, who 
kindly interpreted for me several passages from the Yuan shih. I am 
deeply grateful to these two scholars for giving me access to a source 
which is still for the most part a closed book to all but Sinologists. 

Arabic and Persian names are spelled in the translation in accord- 
ance with the system of the Royal Asiatic Society; Turkish and Mongol 
names, on the other hand, are spelled as far as possible in accordance 
with the phonetic laws of those languages with their more complicated 
vowel system: 6 and ii are pronounced as in German (French eu and u ) 
and i as the Russian u (Polish y). Rashid al-Din’s spelling of Chinese 
names and terms, reflecting as it does the Mongol pronunciation of 
13th-century Mandarin, is retained in the text, but the Wade-Giles 
orthography is adopted in the footnotes except for modern place- 
names, which appear in the more familiar Post Office transcriptions, 
for example, Siangyang rather than Hsiang-yang and Fukien rather 
than Fu-chien. Corrupt spellings are indicated in the footnotes by the 
same alphabet of capital letters as in the History of the World-Conqueror. 
As in that work, Arabic phrases and passages in the original are indi- 
cated by the use of italics. 

In abridging the titles of works of references, I have in general had 
recourse to one or the other of two systems : either the author’s name is 
followed by the year in which the book or article was published, for 
example, Cleaves 1952, Jahn 1969, or, especially in the case of works 


very frequently cited, an abbreviated form of the title is adopted, for 
example, Campagnes, Horde d’Or. A list of these bibliographical ab- 
breviations will be found in the Appendix (pp. 333-38). 

Rashid al-DIn follows his Mongol authorities in dating events by the 
twelve-year Animal Cycle, though for the most part giving the equiva- 
lent year according to the Muslim calendar. I have in all cases supplied 
the corresponding Julian year in the footnotes but have thought it 
useful to provide in the Appendix (p. 346) a table showing the years of 
the Animal Cycle corresponding to a.d. 1168-1371. It should be noted 
that the correspondence is only approximate, the Animal Cycle years 
beginning at the entry of the sun into 15 0 Aquarius, which at that time 
was on or about 27th January (now 4th February). 

In conclusion, I should like to record my thanks to the Leverhulme 
Trust for awarding me a grant toward the preparation of the Successors 
of Genghis Khan; to Professor Ehsan Yar-Shater, Chairman of the 
Department of Middle Eastern languages and Cultures at Columbia 
University, New York, for accepting the book for inclusion in the 
Persian Heritage Series; to Professor Abbas Zaryab of the University 
of Tehran for revising the translation in accordance with the require- 
ments of UNESCO ; to Mr. Bernard Gronert, Executive Editor of the 
Columbia University Press, and Mrs. Barbara-Jo Kawash, the editor 
assigned to my manuscript, for their help and guidance during the 
process of publication; and to my friends Professor Charles F. Becking- 
ham, Head of the Department of the Near and Middle East in the 
School of Oriental and African Studies, and Professor Thomas M. 
Johnstone, Professor of Arabic in the University of London, for their 
assistance with the proof-reading. 

Manchester , December 1970 JOHN a. boyle 



Introduction I 


Chingiz-Khan : History of Ogetei Qa’an, which is in Three Parts 1 5 

2 history of jochi khan, Son of Chingiz-Khan, which is in 

Three Parts 95 

3 history of chaghatai khan, the Son of Chingiz-Khan, 

which is in Three Parts 133 

4 beginning of the history of tolui khan, the Son of 

Chingiz-Khan: History of Tolui Khan, which is in Three Parts 157 

5 history of guyuk khan, the Son of Ogetei Qa’an, the 

Son of Chingiz-Khan 173 

6 beginning of the history of mongke qa’an, the Son of 

Tolui Khan, the Son of Chingiz-Khan: History of Mongke 

Qa? an, which is in Three Parts 195 

7 beginning of the history of qubilai qa’an, the Son of 

Tolui Khan, the Son of Chingiz-Khan: History of Qubilai 
Qa’an 239 


Jim-Gim, the Son of Qubilai Qa’an, the Son of Tolui 
Khan, the Son of Chingiz-Khan : History of Temur Qa’an, 
which History is in Three Parts 3 1 7 


Biographical Abbreviations 333 

Glossary 339 

Table I. The Great Khans and the Yuan Dynasty of China 342 

Table II. The Il-Khans of Persia 343 

Table III. The Khans of the Golden Horde, 1237-1357 344 

Table IV. The Chaghatai Khanate, 1227-1338 345 

Table V. Tears According to the Animal Cycle, 1168-1371 346 

Index 347 




Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, often referred to by his contemporaries 
simply as Rashid Tabib (“Rashid the Physician”), was born ca. 
1247 i n Hamadan, the Ecbatana of the Ancients. Concerning the 
period of his youth and early manhood, we possess no information 
whatsoever. The son of a Jewish apothecary, he became a convert to 
Islam at the age of thirty, having previously, it must be assumed, been 
a loyal member of the Jewish community of his native town, then an 
important center of Jewish culture and the seat of a well-organized 
yeshivah, or Rabbinical college, circumstances which account for his 
familiarity with the customs and traditions of Judaism and his knowledge 
of the Hebrew language. 1 His conversion may well have coincided 
with his entry into the service of the Il-Khan Abaqa (1265-1281), 
the second Mongol ruler of Iran, in the capacity of a physician, and he 
is perhaps to be identified with the Jew called Rashid al-Daula (a 
variant form of his name), who, according to the continuator of 
Barhebraeus, 2 was appointed steward to the Il-Khan Geikhatu 
(1291-1295) “to prepare food which was suitable . . . , of every kind, 
which might be demanded, and wheresoever it might be demanded.” 
At the time of the economic' upheaval which preceded the experimental 
introduction of ch‘ao, or Chinese paper currency, when, we are told, 
not even a single sheep could be procured for the Il-Khan’s table, 
Rashid al-Daula “stood up strongly in this matter and he spent a 
large sum of his own money, and he bought myriads of sheep and oxen, 
and he appointed butchers and cooks, and he was ready in a most 
wonderful fashion on the condition that in every month of days silver 
should be collected for the sahib-diwan, because the treasury was empty, 
and it was destitute of money, and not even the smallest coin was to be 
found therein. And he wrote letters and sent them to the various coun- 
tries, but the Jew was unable to collect anything. And thus the whole 
of his possessions came to an end, and as he was unable to stand in 
(i.e. continue) a work such as he was doing, he left and fled.” 

1 On the question of Rashid al-DIn’s Jewish origins, see Spuler 1939, pp. 247-49, 
and Fischel 1953, pp. 15-18. 

2 Barhebraeus, p. 496. 



If this Rashid al-Daula is not the future statesman and historian, it 
is strange that a man of the latter’s talents should have remained in 
total obscurity from his entry into Abaqa’s service until his appearance, 
some 20 years later, in the spring of 1298, as a deputy to Sadr al-Dln 
Zanjani, the vizier of Abaqa’s grandson Ghazan (1295-1304). Rashid 
al-Din 3 himself recounts the circumstances which led to the execution of 
Sadr al-Din, perhaps the most perfidious and unprincipled of the 
U-Khanid viziers. It emerges from the account that he already stood 
high in the Il-Khan’s favor and was on terms of friendship with his 
commander-in-chief, the Mongol Qutlugh-Shah. In the autumn of 
1298, Sa‘d al-Din Savaji was appointed Sadr al-Din’s successor, with 
Rashid al-Din as his associate. We next hear of Rashid as accompany- 
ing Ghazan on his last expedition (1302-1303) against the Mamluks: in 
March 1303, he played a prominent part in the negotiations which 
led to the surrender of Rahbat al-Sham, the present-day Syrian town 
of Meyadin on the west bank of the Euphrates. It was during Ghazan’s 
brief reign that he carried out the fiscal reforms which go under his 
master’s name but of which Rashid himself may well have been the 
real author, reforms intended to protect the sedentary population from 
the rapacity of the Mongol nomad aristocracy. It was now too that he 
was commissioned by Ghazan to write a history of the Mongols and 
their conquests, a work completed and expanded under Ghazan’s 
successor Oljeitii (1304-1316) to form the Jarni" al-Tawarikh (“Com- 
plete Collection of Histories”), “a vast historical encyclopedia,” 
in the words of Barthold, 4 “such as no single people, either in Asia or 
in Europe, possessed in the Middle Ages.” 

Rashid enjoyed still greater favor under Oljeitii. He had become the 
owner of vast estates in every corner of the Il-Khan’s realm: orchards 
and vineyards in Azerbaijan, date-palm plantations in southern 
Iraq, arable land in western Anatolia. The administration of the 
state had become almost a private monopoly of his family: of his 
fourteen sons, eight were governors of provinces, including the whole 
of western Iran, Georgia, Iraq, and the greater part of what is now 
Turkey. Immense sums were at his disposal for expenditure on public 
and private enterprises. In Oljeitii’s new capital at Sultaniya he built 
a fine suburb with a magnificent mosque, a madrasa, and a hospital; 

3 See CHI, p. 385. 4 Turkestan, p. 46. 



at Tabriz he founded a similar suburb called, after himself, the Rab‘-i 
Rashidi. On the transcription, binding, maps, and illustrations of his 
various writings, he is said to have laid out a sum of 60,000 dinars, 
the equivalent of £36,000 in British money. 

In 1312 his colleague Sa‘d al-Din fell from grace and was put to 
death; and for a brief while Rashid al-Din was in danger of sharing 
his fate. A letter in the Hebrew script purporting to be written by 
Rashid was discovered and laid before Oljeitii. In it the writer urged 
his correspondent, a Jewish protege of one of the Mongol emirs, to 
administer poison to the Il-Khan. Rashid al-Din was able to prove 
the letter a forgery and continued to enjoy Oljeitii’s favor and confi- 
dence for the remainder of the latter’s reign. A rift, however, soon 
developed with his new colleague, Taj al-Din ‘All-Shah, and the Il- 
Khan sought to remedy matters by dividing his empire into two 
administrative spheres. Rashid al-Din being responsible for central and 
southern Iran, while ‘All-Shah was placed in charge of north-western 
Iran, Mesopotamia, and Asia Minor. The antagonism between the 
two viziers persisted despite this segregation of their duties, and in 
1317, in the reign of Oljeitii’s son, Abu Sa‘id (1316-1335), ‘All-Shah 
succeeded by his intrigues in securing his rival’s dismissal. Persuaded 
against his will to re-enter the Il-Khan’s service, Rashid al-Din was 
attacked once again by ‘All-Shah and his party and accused of having 
poisoned Abu Sa‘Id’s father. According to the Mamluk sources, he 
admitted having gone against the advice of Oljeitii’s physicians and 
prescribed a purgative for his disorder, the symptoms of which do 
appear to have been consistent with metallic poisoning. On this ad- 
mission he was cruelly put to death, his severed head, according to the 
same authorities, being taken to Tabriz and carried about the town for 
several days with cries of: “This is the head of the Jew who abused 
the name of God; may God’s curse be upon him!” Rab‘-i Rashidi, 
the suburb of Tabriz which he had founded and given his name, was 
looted by the mob, and all his estates and property were confiscated, 
even his pious foundations being robbed of their endowments. His 
final resting-place, a mausoleum of his own construction, was destroyed 
less than a century later by MIran-Shah, the mad son of Timur, who 
caused Rashid’s body to be exhumed and re-interred in the Jewish 



The encyclopedist Ibn Hajar of Ascalon (d. 1449) reproduces what 
was undoubtedly the contemporary assessment of Rashid al-DIn: a 
Jewish apothecary’s son turned Muslim who rose in the service of the 
U-Khans to the rank of vizier; who championed and protected the 
followers of his adopted faith; who built fine public buildings in 
Tabriz; who, while merciless to his enemies, was generous in the 
extreme to the learned and the pious; and who wrote a rationalistic 
commentary on the Koran for which he was accused of ilhad, that is, 
of belonging to the outcast sect of the Isma'ihs, or Assassins. 5 To the 
Jami‘ al-Tawarikh , the work on which his fame now rests, Ibn Hajar 
makes no reference whatsoever. 


Rashid al-Din himself has described the elaborate measures which he 
adopted to ensure the preservation of his writings and their transmission 
to posterity. 6 These measures included the translation into Arabic of 
all his Persian and into Persian of all his Arabic works, while a specified 
annual sum was allocated for the preparation of two complete trans- 
cripts, one in either language, “on the best Baghdad paper and in the 
finest and most legible writing,” to be presented to one of the chief 
towns of the Muslim world. Despite these and other precautions, it was 
the opinion of Quatremere 7 that “ we have lost the greater part of the 
works of this learned historian, and all the measures which he took 
have not had a more fortunate success than the precautions devised by 
the Emperor Tacitus to secure the preservation of his illustrious rela- 
tive’s writings.” The passage of time has shown Quatremere to have 
been unduly pessimistic. A diligent search of the libraries of Persia, 
Turkey, and Central Asia has filled some of the lacunae, and it is 
too early to assume that any of the works still missing are irretrievably 

Of his theological writings reference has already been made to his 
commentary on the Koran, which bore the title Miftah al-Tafasir 
(“Key to the Commentaries”). Neither this nor his Fava’id-i Sultaniya 

5 Ibn Hajar, pp. 232-33. 6 See Browne, pp. 77—79. 

7 Quoted by Browne, pp. 79-80. 



(“Royal Deductions”), based on a conversation with Oljeitii on 
religious and philosophical questions, nor his As’ila u Ajviba (“Ques- 
tion and Answers”), containing the author’s correspondence with 
Muslim and even Byzantine scholars, has yet been published. His 
Kitab al-Ahya wa-l-Athar (“Book of Animals and Monuments”), 
dealing with botany, agriculture, and architecture, is described by 
Browne as “unhappily lost.” Several chapters of it were, however, 
published in Tehran in 1905 from a manuscript which may still be in 
existence. Finally, a work unknown to Quatremere, the Mukatabal-i 
Rashidt, the correspondence of Rashid al-Din, mainly on political 
and financial matters, with his sons and other Il-Khanid officials, was 
published in 1947 by Professor Shafi of Lahore and has recently been 
translated into Russian. 8 , 

Of his magnum opus, the Jami‘ al-Tawarikh, there appear to have been 
two versions, an earlier (1306-1307) consisting of three, and a later 
(1 ca . 1310) consisting of four volumes. 9 Volume I, the Ta'rikh-i Ghazani, 
a history of the Mongols from their beginnings until the reign of 
Ghazan, has already been mentioned. In Volume II, commissioned by 
Ghazan’s successor, Oljeitii, Rashid al-Din was set the formidable 
task of compiling a general history of all the Eurasian peoples with 
whom the Mongols had come into contact. Beginning with Adam and 
the Patriarchs, the volume recounts the history of the pre-Islamic 
kings of Persia; of Muhammad and the Caliphate down to its extinc- 
tion by the Mongols in 1258; of the post-Muhammadan dynasties of 
Persia ; of Oghuz and his descendants, the T urks ; of the Chinese ; of 
the Jews; of the Franks and their Emperors and Popes; and of the 
Indians, with a detailed account of Buddha and Buddhism. Volume II 
is, in fact, the first universal history. “One can seek in vain,” says 
Professor Jahn, 10 “both in the foregoing and in the following centuries 
for an equally bold and at the same time successful enterprise. This 
very first attempt to commit to paper a faithful account of the history 
of the world has not as yet been accorded the recognition it deserves as a 
unique achievement ...” A history of Oljeitii from his birth until the 
year 706/1306-7 was originally prefixed to Volume II. A manuscript 

8 On Rashid al-DIn’s nonhistorical works, see Togan 1962, pp. 60-63, and Jahn 
1964, passim. 

9 Seejahn 1964, p. 1 19. 10 Jahn 1965, p. x. 



of this portion discovered by Professor A. Z. V. Togan in Meshed has 
since disappeared. The original Volume III, bearing the title Suwar 
al-Aqalim (“Forms of the Climes”), was a geographical compendium 
containing “ not only a geographical and topographical description of 
the globe as it was then known . . . , but also an account of the system 
of highways in the Mongol Empire, with mention of the milestones 
erected at imperial command, and a list of postal stages.” 11 No manu- 
script of this volume has yet come to light. On the other hand, Volume 
III of the second version (in which the Suwar al-Aqalim became 
Volume IV), bearing the title Shu'ab-i Panjgana (“The Five Genealo- 
gies”), has survived in a unique manuscript, discovered by Professor 
Togan in 1927, in the Topkapi Sarayi Library in Istanbul. As its 
title indicates, it contains the genealogies of the ruling houses of five 
nations: the Arabs, Jews, Mongols, Franks, and Chinese. 12 

The text of Volume I, published piecemeal in various countries over 
a period of more than a century, is now available in its entirety. On the 
other hand, much of Volume II is still accessible only in manuscripts. 
The sections on Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna and the Seljuqs were 
published by the late Professor Ate§ in 1957 an d i960, respectively, 
and that on the Isma'ilis by Mr. Dabir Sivaqi (1958), and again by 
Messrs. Danish-Pazhuh and MudarrisI (i960), whilst Professor Jahn 
has produced an edition and translation of the History of the Franks 
(1951), facsimiles of the Persian and Arabic text of the History of India 
(1965) and a translation and facsimile of the History of Oghuz and the 
Turks (1969). The remainder of the volume, as also Volume III, the 
Shu'ab-i Panjgana, is as yet unpublished. 

It is, of course, Volume II, with its concluding sections on the history 
of the various non-Muslim peoples, that gives the work its unique 
character as “the first universal history of Orient and Occident.” 13 
As a historical document, however, it is not to be compared with 
Volume I, the Ta'rikh-i Ghazani, which, based as it largely is on 
native sources now lost, constitutes our chief authority on the origins 
of the Mongol peoples and the rise of the Mongol World Empire. 
This volume, according to the original arrangement, consisted of 

11 Jahn 1964, p. 120. 

11 On the Shu'ab-i Panjgana, see Togan 1962, pp. 68-69, and Jahn 1963, pp. 198-99. 

13 Jahn 1965, p.x. 



two sections of unequal length, of which the first and shorter contained 
the history of the different Turkish and Mongol tribes, their divisions, 
genealogies, legends, etc., in a preface and four chapters, whilst the 
second and very much larger section dealt with the history of Genghis 
Khan, his ancestors, and his successors, down to the Il-Khan Ghazan. 
A more convenient division into three separate volumes, first proposed 
by E. G. Browne in 1908, has been adopted by the Russians in their 
recent editions and translations of the Persian text. In accordance with 
this arrangement, Rashid al-Din’s original Volume I is sub-divided as 
follows : 

Volume I, Part 1 : The Turkish and Mongol Tribes 
Volume I, Part 2 : Genghis Khan and his Ancestors 
Volume II: The Successors of Genghis Khan 
Volume III : The Il-Khans of Persia 

Besides the new Russian translations, there is also an older Russian 
version of Volume I of the text as thus divided, while the beginning of 
Volume III (the reign of Hiilegii) was translated into French by 
Quatremere as long ago as 1836. In the present version of Volume II, 
Rashid al-Din appears for the first time in English dress. 14 

The volume begins with the history of Ogedei, Genghis Khan’s 
third son and first successor (1229-1241) as Great Khan. Next come 
accounts of Genghis Khan’s other three sons: the eldest, Jochi (d. 
1227), with the history of the Golden Horde, founded by his son 
Batu (1237-1256), down to the reign ofToqta (1291-1312); the second, 
Chaghatai, the eponymous founder (1227-1242) of the Chaghatai 
dynasty in Central Asia, with the history of that dynasty down to the 
reign of Du’a (1282-1307); and the youngest, Tolui (d. 1233), the 
father of two Great Khans, Mongke and Qubilai, and of Hiilegii, 
the founder of the Il-Khanid dynasty of Persia. There follow the reigns 
of the Great Khans, successors to Ogedei: his son Giiytik (1246-1248), 
his nephews Mongke (1251-1259) and Qubilai (1260-1294) and, 
finally, Qubilai’s grandson, Temur Oljeitii (1294-1307). As in the case 
of Genghis Khan, the biography of each prince is divided into three 
parts : the first contains a list of his wives, sons, and descendants, the 

14 A French translation of the first 136 pages of Blochet’s text (pp. 16-122 of the 
present translation) was found amongst the papers of the late Paul Pelliot. 



second gives the details of his life and reign, and the third, in theory, 
consists of anecdotes illustrating the ruler’s character, a selection of his 
biligs, or sayings, along with other miscellaneous information. But, 
in practice, this latter part is often absent, the rubric being followed 
in the manuscripts by a space left blank for the subsequent insertion 
of the relevant data. Part I, in the original manuscripts, included a 
portrait of the prince and a genealogical table of his descendants and 
Part II a picture of his enthronement; references to these and other 
illustrations are made in the present text. In Part II, in the case of the 
Great Khans only, the narrative is interrupted at intervals to give the 
names of the contemporary Chinese and Muslim rulers and also some 
account of contemporary events within the latter’s territories. Here, 
too, there are sometimes blanks in the manuscripts where the name of a 
ruler had not been ascertainable at the time of writing. 

The Successors of Genghis Khan, as the English title indicates, takes 
up the history of the Mongol Empire from the death of its founder. It 
recounts the campaigns in Russia and eastern 'Europe (1236-1242) 
which led to the establishment of the Golden Horde; it describes the 
conquest of southern China (1268-1279), which changed the House of 
Qubilai (better known to us as Kubla Khan) into the Chinese dynasty 
of the Yuan ; and it breaks off in the reign of Qubilai’s grandson Temur 
(1294-1307), still the nominal suzerain of territories extending west- 
ward from Korea to the Balkans. Only Htilegii’s expedition to the 
West, the destruction of the Isma‘llls (1256), the overthrow of the 
Caliphate (1258), and the long struggle with the Mamluk rulers of 
Egypt (1259-1313) receive no mention, these events being recorded 
in the following volume on the Il-Khans of Persia. Here, in the Successors 
of Genghis Khan, we have, as in the Travels of Marco Polo, a survey of 
Asia under the pax Mongolica, but with this difference- — that Rashid 
al-DIn had access to far more copious and authoritative sources of in- 
formation than the Venetian, whose account of Qubilai’s Empire, for 
all its amazing detail, is of necessity restricted to the evidence of his 
own eyes and ears. 

The earliest parts of the Jami‘ al- Tawarikh are based almost exclusive- 
ly on a Mongolian chronicle called the Allan Debter, or “Golden Book,” 
which, as Rashid al-DIn himself tells us, was preserved in the Il-Khan’s 
treasury in the charge of certain high officers. It is unlikely that the 



historian had direct access to this work, which was regarded as sacred; 
its contents were probably expounded to him orally by Bolad Ching- 
sang, “Bolad the cheng-hsiang or Minister,” the representative of the 
Great Khan at the Persian Court, and by Ghazan himself, who as an 
authority on the Mongol traditions was second only to Bolad. The 
original text of the Golden Book has not come down to us, but a Chinese 
version, the Sheng-wu cli in-cheng lu, or “Description of the Personal 
Campaigns of the Holy Warrior (that is, Genghis Khan),” written at 
some time prior to 1285, is still extant, and the work was also utilized 
in the Yuan shih, the dynastic history of the Mongols compiled in i36g. rs 
In his account of Genghis Khan’s campaign in western Asia, Rashid 
al-Dln is for the most part content to reproduce, in a somewhat 
abridged form, the narrative of Juvainl, in his Tarikh-i Jahan-Gusha 
(“History of the World Conqueror”), 16 but here too there are not 
infrequent interpolations from the Mongolian chronicle, and he even 
adopts its faulty chronology, in accordance with which the events of the 
campaign take place a year later than in reality. In the present volume, 
Juvainl continues, down to the reign of Mongke (1251 -1259), to be 
Rashid al-Dln’s main authority, but with considerable additional 
material from other sources. Thus the earlier historian’s account of the 
invasion of eastern Europe (1241-1242) is repeated almost verbatim 
and is then followed, in a later chapter, by a much more detailed 
version of the same events, based, like the preceding description of the 
campaigns in Russia (1237-1240), on “rough Mongol records,” 17 
as is evident from the orthography of the proper names. So too in 
recounting the final campaign against the Chin rulers of northern 
China (1231-1234), Rashid al-Dln combines data from Juvainl 
with information derived from Far East — Mongol and, to some extent, 
Chinese — sources. For the reigns of Qubilai and Temur he must have 
relied mainly upon the official correspondence of the Il-Khans, 
supplemented no doubt by the questioning of ambassadors and mer- 
chants arriving from eastern Asia. The Great Khan’s representative, 
Bolad Chingsang, whom Rashid had consulted on the early history 
of the Mongols, seems also to have been his chief authority on contem- 
porary China. 

15 See Boyle 1962, p. 164, 16 See HWC and Juvainl. 

17 Minorsky 1952, p. 223. 



The accounts of Qubilai’s campaigns are plainly based on Mongolian 
rather than Chinese sources. They lack the topographical and chrono- 
logical precision of the Tuan shih and contain many obviously legendary 
or folkloristic elements. They are valuable none the less as illustrative 
of the Mongol point of view and add considerable detail and color 
to the somewhat laconic narrative of the Chinese chronicles. Thus we 
read in Rashid al-Dln that Qubilai, when crossing the Yangtse to 
lay siege to Wuchang in Hupeh, made use of a specially fashioned 
birch-bark talisman. 18 This resort to a shamanistic practice, designed 
apparently to placate the water spirits of the great river, is passed over 
in silence by the Chinese authorities ; but we may well believe that the 
convert to Buddhism and the patron of Confucianism was still at heart 
a primitive animist. Again, the story of the twenty thousand criminals 
released from jail by the Great Khan’s decree to take part in the con- 
quest of the South 19 is too circumstantial not to have some foundation 
in fact. Many legends must have been woven around the long and 
famous siege (1268-1273) of Siangyang, and it is perhaps in some such 
popular tale that Gau Finjan (the historical Kao Ho-chang involved 
in the murder of the vizier Ahmad of Fanakat, Polo’s Bailo Acmat) is 
made to play a part in the final capture of the stronghold. 20 Rashid 
al-DIn is at least right in stating that the mangonels employed against 
the defenses were of Muslim manufacture. They can hardly have been 
constructed, as Marco Polo alleges, by Christian engineers under the 
supervision of his father, his uncle, and himself during the course of a 
siege which had not yet begun when the elder Polos left China after 
their first visit and had been over for 2 years before Marco himself 
first entered China! 21 On the whole, however, Polo and Rashid al-Din 
tend to corroborate and complement each other’s statements, and 
between them the Venetian and the Persian provide a wonderfully 
vivid and detailed picture of Mongol China. It is perhaps these 
chapters of the Successors of Genghis Khan that will make the greatest 
appeal to the general reader. 

•To the historian, Rashid al-Din’s work is above all a repository of ma- 
terial on the history, legends, beliefs, and mode of life of the 12th- and 
13th-century Mongols, material that has survived nowhere else in such 

18 See p. 248 and note 31 . 19 See pp. 271-72. 

20 See pp. 288-91 and note 199. 21 See pp. 290-91 and note 204. 



profusion. The earliest parts of the Ta’rikh-i Ghazani are, as we have 
seen, based almost exclusively on native tradition. In the present 
volume, the data on the Golden Horde, on the rebellion of Qubilai’s 
younger brother Ariq Boke, 22 and on the long-drawn-out struggle 
between Qubilai and Qaidu 23 are derived from similar written or 
oral sources. We learn here too how this material was preserved: how 
“ it was the custom in those days to write down day by day every word 
that the ruler uttered,” a special courtier being appointed for this 
purpose; how these biligs or sayings, often couched in “rhythmical 
and obscure language,” were recited on festive occasions by such 
exalted persons as the Great Khan Ogedei and his brother Chaghatai ; 24 
and how Temiir Oljeitii was chosen to succeed his grandfather Qubilai 
because he knew the biligs of Genghis Khan better than his rival and 
declaimed them “well and with a pure accent.” 25 Of the biligs record- 
ed in the Successors of Genghis Khan, we may quote the saying attributed 
to a grandson of Genghis Khan’s youngest son Tolui, a man called 
Toq-Temur, who was “extremely brave and a very good archer”: 

In battle he rode a gray horse and used to say : “ People choose bays and horses 
of other colors so that blood may not show on them and the enemy not be 
encouraged. As for me, I choose a gray horse, because just as red is the adorn- 
ment of women, so the blood on a rider and his horse, which drips on to the 
man’s clothes and the horse’s limbs and can be seen from afar, is the adornment 
and decoration of men.” 26 

Besides preserving the traditional lore of the Mongols and recording 
the history of their world empire, Rashid al-Din was also the historian 
of his own country. Volume III of the Ta'rikh-i Ghazani is our main 
source on the Il-Khanid period of Persian history and contains what 
Professor Petrushevsky has called a “priceless collection” 27 of Ghazan’s 
yarl'ighs , or decrees, on his fiscal reforms, of which Rashid al-Din 
was an ardent supporter and perhaps the initiator. The fame of the 
statesman-historian rests, however, less on these solid achievements 
than on the attempt, in the second part of his work, to compile a general 
history of the whole Eurasian continent. His is certainly the credit of 
producing, 600 years before Wells’ Outline of History, the first World 
History in the full sense ever written in any language. 

22 See pp. 248-65. 24 See p. 155. 26 P. 162. 

23 See pp. 22-24 and 266-69. 25 See p. 321. 27 Petrushevsky 1967, p. 8. 



Beginning of the History of 
Ogetei Qci’an, 

the Son of Chingiz-Khan: 

History of Ogetei Qa’an , 

which is in Three Parts 



History of Ogetei Qa’an , which is in Three Parts 

Those stories which refer to him personally and concern his deeds and 
actions and sayings in respect to kingship, justice, and bounty, apart 
from what has been included in the histories of his father, brothers, 
and kinsmen, will now be related so that the reader may at once be 
apprised of them herefrom. And the reason for giving his history 
precedence over that of his brothers Jochi and Chaghatai, who were 
older than he , 3 is that he was the heir-apparent of Chingiz-Khan and 
the Qa’an of the time, and his reign followed that of Chingiz-Khan, 
so that it is in the order of the Khanate. 

<•4 part i. An account of his lineage; a detailed account of his wives 
and of the branches into which his descendants have divided down to 
the present day ; his portrait; and a genealogical table of his descendants. 
* part ii. The [general] history of and [particular] anecdotes 
regarding his reign ; a picture of his throne and wives and the princes 
and emirs on the occasion of his ascending the throne of the Khanate ; 
an account of the battles he fought and the victories he gained. 
m part in. His praiseworthy character and morals; the excellent 
biligs , 4 parables and pronouncements which he uttered and promul- 
gated; such events and happenings as occurred during his reign but 
have not been included in the two previous parts, the information 
having been acquired on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons. 

1 Mo. Ogedei or Ogodei, the Occoday of Carpini. The Ogetei of the Muslim sources 
is apparently due to a misreading of the Uighur script, in which d and t are not 
distinguished. SeeDoerfer, I, No. 49 (pp. 167-69). 

2 There is no certain etymology of the first element in the title (Anglicized as 
Genghis Khan) bestowed upon the Mongol Temujin. For the various theories, see 
Doerfer, I, No. 185 (pp. 312—15). The most widely accepted is that chingiz ( chinggis ) 
is a palatalized form of T. tengiz, “sea,” and that the title in consequence means 
“ Oceanic Khan,” that is, “Universal Ruler.” 

3 The precise ages of Ogedei’s older brothers are not known. Ogedei himself was 

born in 1 186. 4 See Glossary. 



An account of his lineage; an account of his wives; 
a detailed account of the various branches 
into which his sons and grandsons have divided down to the present day; 

his portrait; 

and a genealogical table of his descendants 

Ogetei Qa’an was the third son of Chingiz-Khan and his wife Borte 
Fujin, who was the mother of his five 5 chief sons and five principal 
daughters. She belonged to the Qonq'irat tribe 6 and was the daughter 
of Dei Noyan : 7 an account of Ogetei’s brothers and sisters has been 
given in the history of Chingiz-Khan . 8 Ogetei’s name had originally 

been — — A He did not like it, and afterward he was named Ogetei: 

the meaning of the word is “ascent to the top .” 10 He was famous for 
his intelligence, ability, judgment, counsel, firmness, dignity, and 
justice; but he was pleasure loving and a wine-bibber, and Chingiz- 
Khan sometimes used to rebuke and admonish him on that account. 
And when Chingiz-Khan had tested the qualities of his sons and dis- 
covered for what employment each of them was fitted, he had some 
hesitation regarding the disposal of the throne and the Khanate, 
thinking now of Ogetei Qa’an and now of his youngest son, Tolui 
Khan. And although it has been the rule and custom of the Mongols 
from ancient times that the father’s yurt 11 or original abode and house 
should be administered by the youngest son, he afterward said: “The 

5 A mistake for four: Jochi, Chaghatai, Ogetei, and Tolui. 

6 On the Qonq'irat (Qonggirat), or Onggirat, a tribe in the extreme east of Mon- 
golia, see Campagnes, pp. 402-409. 

7 On Dei Noyan or Dei Sechen, see Campagnes, pp. 411-14. 

8 See Smirnova, pp. 68-70. 9 There is a blank in the mss. 

10 Actually, Mo. ogede means “ upward, uphill.” 

11 See Glossary. 



business of the throne and kingdom is a difficult business: let Ogetei 
administer it. But as for such things as my yurt and house and the 
property, treasures, and troops that I have gathered together, let these 
be all administered by Tolui.” And whenever he consulted with his 
sons about this, they, seeing it to be their father’s counsel, would all 
agree to it and support it. Finally, when a disease overtook him in the 
land of the Tangqut, 12 as has been mentioned, 13 he held a private 
meeting and made [Ogetei] his heir, settling the throne and the 
Khanate upon him. He also assigned a [special] path to each of his 

sons, saying: “Whoever has a desire for , 14 let him join Jochi, 

And whoever wishes to have a good knowledge of the yosun, ls manners, 
and biligs , let him go to Chaghatai. And whoever has an inclination 
for generosity and liberality and seeks wealth and riches, let him 
approach Ogetei. And whoever wishes for valor, and fame, and the 
defeat of armies, and the capture of kingdoms, and world conquest, 
let him attend upon Tolui.” He also had established his sons and the 
emirs and the army and, as has been set forth in his history, had 
given each of them his separate allotted share. 


Ogetei Qa’an had many wives and sixty concubines. But his chief 
wives, those who were well known, were four. His first wife, Boraqchin, 

was of the tribe of — , l6 the daughter of T — ; 17 she was the 

eldest. His second wife, Toregene, was of the tribe of the Uhaz- 
Merkit, 18 and in some accounts it is stated that she was the wife of 
Tayir-Usun, 19 the leader of the Uhaz-Merkit, and that when her 
husband was killed she was carried off and Ogetei Qa’an married her, 

12 The Tangut (in Chinese, Hsi Hsia) were a people of Tibetan origin, living in 
what is now Kansu and the Ordos Region of Inner Mongolia. 

13 Smirnova, pp. 232-33. 

14 There is a blank in the mss, to be filled, according to the corresponding passage 
in Juvaini ( HWC , p. 40), with a word or phrase meaning “hunting” or “the chase.” 

15 See Glossary. 16 Blank in the mss. 

17 Blank in the mss. 

18 On the various clans of the Merkit (a forest tribe in the region of the Lower 
Selenga along the southern shores of Lake Baikal), see Campagnes, pp. 273-78. 

19 For Dayir-Usun, see above, p. 16, note 1. 



Tayir-Usun having previously given his daughter Qulan Khatun in 
marriage to Chingiz-Khan. According to one account, Toregene 
belonged to this tribe but was not the wife of Tayir-Usun . 20 This wife 
was of no great beauty but of a very masterful nature. As shall be 
mentioned in the history of Giiyiik Khan , 21 she reigned for awhile, and 
because she paid no attention to the testament of Chingiz-Khan and 
did not listen to the words of aqa and ini 22 she cast confusion amongst 
aqa and ini and the seed of Chingiz-Khan, as shall be related in the 
history of Giiyiik Khan. 


Ogetei had seven sons. The mother of the five eldest was Toregene 
Khatun, and the two others were each of them born of a concubine. 
The names of those seven sons and their descendants, insofar as they 
are known, shall be set forth in detail [below] . 

First son — Giiyiik 

His yurt was in the land of the Qobaq in a place called 

, Emil, or — — — — , 23 Although Ogetei Qa’an’s heir 

apparent was his grandson Shiremiin, yet after the death of Qa’an, 
Toregene Khatun and the sons of Ogetei Qa’an disobeyed [Ogetei’s] 
command and elevated Giiyiik to the Khanate, despite the fact that all 
his life he had been afflicted with chronic diseases. His life will be 
described in detail in a separate history . 24 He had three sons, as follows : 

20 According to SM, p. 198, her first husband had been Qodu, the eldest son of 
Toqto’a, the ruler of the Uduyit-Merkit. According to the Yuan shih (Pap ante, p. [193]), 
she was a Naiman. 

21 See below, p. 1 74. 

22 See Glossary. 

23 Giiyuk’s apanage lay between the Qobaq (Kobuk) and Emil (Emel) in what is 
now Northern Sinkiang. See Papaute, pp. [2o6]-[207], note 2. The other names 
(BRY MNKRAQ and YWR SAWR) have not been identified. (The latter name is 
perhaps a corruption of *QWM SNKR, that is Qum-Sengir, on which see below, 
p. 121, note 95.) 

24 See below, pp. 174-88. 



Khwaja Oghul. His mother was Oghul-Qaimish Khatun of the 
• — — — ~ 25 tribe. He has no known children. 

Naqu. He too was born of Oghul-Qaimish Khatun and had a son 
called Ghabat. When Baraq entered Persia to attack Abaqa Khan 
[Qaidu] sent this Ghabat with one thousand men, who were his 
private forces, to reinforce [Baraq], He withdrew in anger before the 
battle, and when he came to Bukhara, Beg-Temiir, the son of Baraq, 
sent an army after him to capture him, but he fled with nine horsemen 
and came by way of the desert to Qaidu. He fell ill with fear and died 
of that illness . 26 

Hoqu. His mother was a concubine. It is said that he has a grandson, 
called Tokme, who disputed with Chapar, the son of Qaidu, and 
[who] refuses to obey [Chapar], saying, “The accession should go to 
me.” His father’s name [also] was Tokme . 27 

The stories of these three sons will be told in detail in the histories 
of Guyiik Khan and Mongke Khan , 28 in the proper place, God willing. 

Second son — Koten 

Mongke Qa’an gave him a. yurt in the land of the Tangqut and sent 
him thither with an army. 2 ’ He had three sons , 30 as follows : 

Mongetii. His mother was . 3I 

Kiiyen. He was born of , 32 He had a son, Yesii-Buqa. 

25 Blank in the mss. Elsewhere (Khetagurov, p. 1 16), Rashid al-Din says that she 
was a Merkit. See also Papaute, p. [198] and note 2. 

26 See below pp. 140 and 1 52-53 ; also Arends, p. 76. 

27 See also below, p. 175, in the section on Giiyuk Khan. There Verkhovsky’s 
text is in agreement with Blochet’s, but here (Verkhovsky, pp. 10-11) he speaks of 
ten sons of Hoqu, of whom only eight are actually enumerated. The Yuan shih ( Chapitre 
CVII, p. 86 and 87, note 6) mentions only one son T‘u-lu (*Tu[q]lu[q]), prince of 

28 So according to Khetagurov’s text (p. 11). Blochet, whose mss have blanks 
in this place, has supplied the names of Chaghatai Khan and Abaqa Khan (p. 5). 
On Khwaja and Naqu, see below, pp. 175, 204, and 207-14. Hoqu is mentioned 
only in the passage referred to in note 27. 

29 Koten (Kodon, Godon) had, in fact, already been appointed to this region 
during Gtiyuk’s reign. He was the first of the Mongols to establish relations with 
Tibetan lamaism. See Franke, V, pp. 331-32; also Schmidt, p. 1 1 1 — 13. 

30 Five, according to the Yuan shih ( Chapitre CVII, p. 74) . 

31 Blank in the mss. 32 Blank in the mss. 



Jibik-Temiir. His mother was — -. 33 He had sons but their 

names are not known. 

When the sons of Ogetei Qa’an and Giiyiik Khan plotted treason 
and treachery against Mongke Qa’an, because these sons of Koten 
had formerly been his friends and supporters, he did them no injury 
when he convicted those people of their crime and withdrew and 
distributed their armies; on the contrary, he confirmed them in the 
possession of the armies they had. And since the country of the Tangqut 
was their yurt, Qubilai Qa’an and his son Temur Qa’an maintained 
the seed of Koten there, and they are still as ever friends and supporters 
of the Qa’an and obedient to his command; their affairs are prosperous 
and well ordered under the shadow of the Qa’an’s favor. 

Third, son — Kochii 

This son had the appearance of being very intelligent and fortunate. 
Mongke Qa’an intended to make him his heir, but he died during 
[Mongke Qa’an’s] lifetime. He had three sons, as follows : 

Shiremiin. His mother was 34 Khatun of the 35 tribe. 

Boladchi. He was born of 36 Khatun of the 37 tribe 

and was in attendance on . 38 

Sose. His mother was 39 of the 40 tribe. He was in 

attendance on . 4I 

When Kochii died, Mongke Qa’an, because of his friendship for 
his father, made much of Shiremiin, his eldest son, [who was] exceed- 
ingly intelligent and clever; he brought him up in his ordos and used 
to say that he was his heir and successor. In the end [Shiremiin] 
plotted treason and treachery against Mongke Qa’an and was con- 
victed for his crime. When Mongke Qa’an sent his brother Qubilai 
Qa’an to Khitai , 42 Qubilai, having a friendship for this Shiremiin, 
asked him of his brother and took him [Shiremiin] with him. But 

33 Blank in the mss. 

35 Blank in the mss. 

37 Blank in the mss. 

39 Blank in the mss. 

41 Blank in the mss. 

42 The medieval name for northern 

34 Blank in the mss. 

36 Blank in the mss. 

38 Blank in the mss. 

40 Blank in the mss. 

iina, our Cathay, on which see Polo I, pp. 



when Mongke Qa’an set out for Nangiyas , 43 and Qubilai Qa’an 
joined him, he did not trust Shiremiin and ordered him to be thrown 
in the river. 

Fourth son — Qarachar 

It is said that this Qarachar had one son, whose name was Totaq, 
and their yurt was in , 44 

Fifth son— Qashi 

Inasmuch as at the time he was born Chingiz-Khan had conquered 
the country of Qashi , 45 which is now called Tangqut, he was named 
Qashi. Being a heavy and confirmed drinker, he died in his youth of 
the deterioration brought on by excessive inebriety, his death occur- 
ring during his father’s lifetime. The name Qashi was banned and 
thereafter the country was called Tangqut . 46 He had a son called 

Qaidu by Sebkine Khatun of the 47 people. [This son] lived to a 

great age and died only last year . 48 This Qaidu was brought up in the 
ordo 49 of Chingiz-Khan and after Ogetei’s death was in attendance 
upon Mongke Qa’an, upon whose death he joined Ariq Boke and 
supported and worked for his elevation to the Khanate. When Ariiq 
Boke went to Qubilai Qa’an and made his submission, Qaidu was 
filled with fear of Qubilai Qa’an; and since it was not the yasa S0 
that anyone should disobey the command and order of the Qa’an, 
and whoever did so was a wrongdoer, he transgressed the yasa, com- 
mitted acts of resistance, and became a rebel. From that time until 

43 (The country of) the Southern Chinese, from Chinese Nan-Chia, that is “people 
of the South.” 

44 Blank in the mss. 

45 From Ho-hsi, then the common Chinese name for the country. See Polo I, p. 125. 

46 On the Mongol taboo on the names of the dead, see Boyle 1956. 

47 Blank in the mss. Elsewhere (Khetagurov, pp. 149-50) Rashid al-Din says that 
Qaidu’s mother belonged to the Bekrin, a tribe of mountaineers who were “neither 
Mongols nor Uighur.” 

48 That is, in 1301. He was born, according to Jamal Qarshi {Four Studies, I, p. 124) 
about 1235. The statement that he took part in the invasion of Hungary in 1241, 
often repeated, most recently by Dawson (p. xxxi, note 1), is due to a mistake of 
Wolff {Geschichte der Mongolen, Breslau, 1872, pp. 154 and 159). See Polo I, p. 125. 

49 See Glossary. 50 See Glossary. 



this present age, many Mongols and Taziks 51 have been destroyed 
and flourishing countries laid waste because of his rebellion. At first 
Qaidu had not many troops or followers, for when the seed of Ogetei 
Qa’an plotted against Mongke Qa’an, their troops were taken from 
them and distributed, except those of Koten’s sons. However, he was an 
exceedingly intelligent, competent, and cunning man and accomplish- 
ed all his affairs by means of craft and guile. He contrived to gather 
together, out of every corner, some two or three thousand men, and 
because Qubilai Qa’an had set up his headquarters in Khitai for the 
purpose of conquering Machin , 52 and because of the great distance 
[between them], Qaidu adopted a rebellious attitude. And when 
Qubilai summoned him and his family to a quriltai , 53 they made 
excuses in the first, second, and third years and did not go. Little by 
little he gathered troops around him from every side; and, making 
friends with Jochi’s family, he captured a number of territories with 
their assistance. Qubilai Qa’an now saw fit to dispatch an army to 
deal with them, sending his son Nomoghan with a group of princes 
and emirs and a large body of troops. Upon the way, Nomoghan’s 
uncles decided upon an act of treachery and, seizing him and Hantum 
Noyan, the commander of the army, they sent Nomoghan to Mengu- 
Temiir, of the seed of Jochi, who was then ruler of that ulus, and 
Hantum Noyan to Qaidu, the details of which events will be given in 
the history of Qubilai Qa’an . 54 From that time until the present day 
when the world is adorned by the august splendor of the Lord of Islam 55 
[may his reign continue forever!), [Qaidu] has been in rebellion against 
Qubilai Qa’an and Abaqa Khan and the seed of Abaqa Khan. He 
used to call Abaqa Khan and his seed shighaldash, and they used to 
call him likewise. In former times they used to apply this term to 
one another: it means to feast with one another . 56 Qaidu repeatedly 
engaged in battle with Qubilai Qa’an and Abaqa Khan, as shall be 
mentioned in a [later] history. Qubilai Qa’an sent Baraq, the son of 
Yesiin-To’a, the son of Mo’etiikcn, whom he had brought up, to 

51 Tazik or Tajik (whence the modern Tajikistan) was the term applied by the 
Turks to the Iranians. 

52 The Persian name for South China. 53 See Glossary. 

54 See below, pp. 266-67. 1 

55 That is, Rashid al-Din’s patron, the II-Khan Ghazan (1295-1304). 

56 Rather, “feasting companion.” See Doerfer, I, No. 245 (p. 368). 



administer the ulus 57 of Chaghatai and make war on Qaidu. Baraq 
came, they fought, and Qaidu defeated him; and in the end they 
came to an agreement and both of them rebelled [together] against the 
Qa’an and Abaqa Khan, the account of which events shall be given in 
the relevant histories. 58 In the year 701/1301-1302, Qaidu and Du’a, 
the son of Baraq, jointly fought a battle against the army of Temiir 
Qa’an. They were defeated, and both of them received a wound in the 
fighting: Qaidu died of his wound and Du’a is still suffering from his, 
which will not heal. Qaidu’s eldest son, Chapar, has now been set in 
his place, but some of his brothers, Orus, and other princes do not 
agree to this, and their sister, Qutulun Chaghan, is at one with them, 
and it is said that there is a dispute between them. The number of 
Qaidu’s [sons] is not known for certain. Some say that he has forty 
sons, but this is an exaggeration. Nauruz, 59 who was there for a time, 
states that there are twenty-four sons. However, those that are known in 
these parts are nine, as follows: 

Chapar. He was born of — 60 of the — 61 tribe He has now succeeded 
Qaidu. Those who have seen him say that he is extremely lean and 
ill-favored and in face and beard like a Russian or Circassian. 

Yangichar. He was born of — 62 of the — 63 tribe. He is handsome 
and talented, and his father was very fond of him. With a large army 
he is always guarding the frontier against Bayan, the son of Qonichi, 
of the seed of Orda, for they are at war with one another, because they 64 
are allied with the Qa’an and the Lord of Islam ( may his kingdom endure 
forever!) whereas their cousin Kiiiliik inclines toward the sons of 
Qaidu and Du’a and they favor him lest Bayan should join the Qa’an 
and the Lord of Islam with an army and bring confusion to their 

affairs. And since Bayan belongs to the seed of Orda, Toqta, who oc- 

cupies the throne of Jochi Khan, is assisting him, and they are thinking 

57 See Glossary. 

5& See below, p. 100, also Arends, pp. 70-87. 

59 The Emir Nauruz, the son of Arghun Aqa (on whom see above, pp. 230-3 1 ), had 
passed some time in Central Asia while in rebellion against the 11 -K.han Arghun 
(1284-1291) and his successors. On this famous man, by whom the Il-Khan Ghazan 
was converted to Islam, s ceCHI, pp. 376-79, 380, and 382-84. 

60 Blank in the mss. 61 Blank in the mss. 

62 Blank in the mss. 6 3 Blank in the mss. 

64 That is, Bayan and the other princes of the White Horde, on which see Section 
2, p. 100, note 13. 



of making war on the sons of Qaidu and Du’a and have sent am- 
bassadors here in this connection. 

Orus. He was born of Qaidu’s chief wife, Dorbejin 65 by name. 
Since his father’s death he has disputed the kingdom, and in this 
dispute Tokme, the son of Tokme, the son of Hoqu, the son of Ogetei, 
is in agreement and alliance with him, as is his sister also. However, 
since Du’a favors Chapar, he exerted himself and set him up as Khan. 
Qaidu, the son of Qashi, had instructed Orus and given him a con- 
siderable army, and at the present time those troops are still with him 
and will not bow their necks, because strife and enmity have arisen 
between them and have resulted in war. 



Shah Chungtai. 


‘Umar Khwaja. 

Nariqi (?) 




Ekii-Buqa (?), born of— . 66 

*Tai-Bakhshi( ?) has many sons ; they are not well known. 

Sarban. This Sarban crossed the River Oxus with an army and is 
[encamped] in the region of Badakhshan and Panjab. 67 He attacks 
Khurasan on every occasion and the army of the Lord of Islam has 
repeatedly defeated him. In the autumn of the year 702/1302- 1303 
Prince Khar-Banda 68 went with an army toward Sarakhs and heard 
that Sarban’s army was in the region of Maruchuq. He fell upon 
them, killed a great number, and plundered [their quarters]. It was 
Sarban’s intention to enter Khurasan that winter with a large army. 

6s DRNJYN. 66 Blank in all the mss. 

67 The name given in the 1 3th century to Mela, a ford across the Oxus near the 
mouth of the Vakhsh. See Turkestan, p. 72. 

68 Ghazan’s brother and successor, the Il-Khan Oljeitii (1304-1316). The name 
Khar-Banda, meaning, in Persian, “ass-herd” or “muleteer,” was afterward changed 
to Khuda-Banda (“Servant of God”). He received the name, according to Ibn 
Battuta (Gibb II, p. 336), because a muleteer was the first person to enter the house 
after his birth. 



Uighurtai, the son of Qutluq-Buqa, and Nauruz’s brother, Oiradai, 
were with him inciting him to mischief. With that desire they advanced 
into the neighborhood of Tus. Prince Khar-Banda withdrew from 
Sarakhs by way of Bavard 69 and, putting his army in battle order at 
Eljigidei’s Spring 70 suddenly fell upon them in the neighborhood of 
Tus. When they drew up it was nighttime. They turned back and 
fled, and our army pursued them as far as the ribat 11 of Sangbast . 72 
They tried to make a stand but were unable and retreated in a rout. 
Snow and blizzards did their work upon them, and many men and 
animals perished. Such [was the cold] that the commander of Sarban’s 
guard lost the use of his hands and feet : he embraced one of his nokers 73 
and they both froze on the spot and so died. [Only] a few stragglers 
made their way back to their quarters. They had arranged with 
Qutluq-Khwaja, the son of Baraq, to join forces in the neighborhood 
of Herat, but since the mountains of Ghur, Gharcha, and Ghazna 
were covered with snow they were unable to make their way thither, 
and the fortune of the Lord of Islam ( may God Almighty cause his kingdom 
to endure forever !) scattered and destroyed them. 

End of the list of his sons 

Qaidu also had a daughter called Qutulun Chaghan. He loved 
her most of all his children. She used to behave like a young man, 
frequently taking part in campaigns and performing acts of heroism. 
She was held in high esteem by her father and was of great service to 
him. He would not marry her to a husband, and people suspected that 
there was some kind of relationship between him and his daughter. 
On several occasions when Qaidu’s ambassadors came to the Lord 
of Islam ( may his kingdom endure forever !) she sent greetings and biligs 
and said: “I will be thy wife and do not want another husband.” 
In the last few years, Qaidu, out of excess of shame and the reproaches 

69 Bavard or Abivard lay near the present-day village of Abivard, 5 miles west of 
Kahka, on the Transcaspian Railway. See Hudud, p. 326. 

70 Presumably in Badghis, where Ogedei’s general, Eljigidei, appears to have 
had his headquarters. See HWC, pp. 5 1 2 and 590. 

71 See Glossary. 

72 A day’s march southeast of Meshed. See Turkestan, p. 448 and note 8. 

73 See Glossary. 



of the people, gave her in marriage to a Khitayan . 74 When Qaidu 
died she had a desire to organize the army and administer the kingdom 
and wished her brother Orus to succeed her father. Du’a and Chapar 
shouted at her, saying: “Thou shouldst be working with scissors and 
needle. What concern hast thou with the kingdom and the ulus?” 
Offended on this account she has withdrawn from them and favors 
Orus, stirring up unrest . 75 The events and circumstances [which were 
in the life of] a single grandson of Ogetei called Qaidu, who by con- 
quest, subjugation, and trickery has acquired a certain part of Ogetei’s 
ulus, are in brief as has been stated. We shall return now, God willing, 
to describing the genealogy of the Qa’an’s children. 

Sixth son — Qadan Oghul 

His mother was a concubine called Erkene, and he was brought up 
in the ordo of Chaghatai. At the time of Ariq Boke’s rebellion, [Qadan 
Oghul] was in attendance on Qubilai Qa’an. When, for the second time, 

74 According to Verkhovsky’s text, based on the Tashkent and Istanbul mss., 
Qutulun’s husband was “a certain Abtaqul of the Qorulas”. There follows in his 
text a long passage absent from Blochet’s text and mss. It begins with an account of 
Qaidu’s final battles with the Great Khan’s troops: at a place called TKLKH near 
the Dzabkhan in western Mongolia, at another place called QRBH TAQ_, in which 
the second element is apparently T. taq, “mountain,” and finally in the mountains 
of QRALTW, apparently identical with the Ha-la-ha-t‘ai of the Yuan shih ( Polo I, 
p. 128). During the last named battle Qaidu had fallen ill and withdrawn his forces. 
He died a month later in a place called TAYKAN Na’ur, being between fifty and 
sixty years of age (actually about sixty-six, see above, note 48). It was said that his 
beard consisted only of nine grey hairs ; he was of medium height and build and never 
took wine, kumyss, or salt. His remains and those of some of the princes who pre- 
deceased him were buried in high mountains called Shonqurl'iq, between the Ili and 
the Chu. His daughter Qutulun still lived in that region; her husband, Abtaqul, was a 
vigorous man, tall and handsome. She herself had chosen him for her husband and 
she had had two sons by him. She lived there modestly, guarding her father’s secret 
burial place. Qaidu had also another daughter, younger than she, called Qortichin 
(Hortochin?) Chaghan. He had given her in marriage to Tiibshin, the son of Tarai 
Kiiregen of the Olqunut tribe. Tarai Kiiregen was married to the daughter of Hiilegii’s 
brother Siibedei. Tiibshin had fallen in love with a slavegirl and had wished to elope 
with her to the Great Khan. He had confided his intention to a groom, who had de- 
nounced him, and Qaidu had put him (Tiibshin) to death. Qaidu had other daughters 

75 Qutulun Chaghan is apparently the Aigiaruc (Ai-Yaruq, “Moonshine”) of 
Marco Polo, on whom see Polo I, p. 15. 



the Qa’an sent an army against Ariq Boke, he placed him in command 
of it [Qadan Oghul] killed ‘Alam-Dar, the commander of Ariq Bdke’s 
army. Thereafter he was again in attendance on Qubilai Qa’an. He 
had six 76 sons, as follows: 

Durchi. He had two sons : Sose and Eskebe. 

Qipchaq. It was he that was with Qaidu and brought about an 
agreement between him and Baraq. Qaidu sent him into Persia to 
reinforce Baraq. Because of some trick he turned back disappointed . 77 
He had a son called Quril. 

Qadan-Ebiik. He had two sons: Lahuri and Mubarak-Shah. 

Yebe. He too was in attendance on Qaidu. He had two sons: 
Oriig-Temiir and Esen-Temiir. 

Yesiider. His children are not known. 

Qurumshi. His children are not known. 

This Orug-Temur 78 was sent by Qaidu to the frontier of Khurasan. 
When Nauruz fled and came to that region, he was together with 
Orug-Temur and gave him his daughter in marriage. When he came 
back, Orug-Temur was suspected of favoring the Lord of Islam {may 
his kingdom endure forever!). Qaidu sent for him and put him to death. 
He had eleven sons: Kiiresbe, Tuqluq-Buqa, Qutluq-Khwaja, Tuqluq- 
Temiir, Abachi, Kiich-Temiir, Chin-Temur, Chin-Bolad, Arghun, 
Muhammad, and ‘All. Kiiresbe and some of his brothers are now on 
the frontier of Khurasan in alliance with Sarban, the son of Qaidu. 
[Kiiresbe] too is now under suspicion for the same reason. It appears 
that Chapar sent for him and dispatched him thither. 

Esen-Temiir had a son called ‘All Khwaja. 

Seventh son — Melik 

His mother too was a concubine, and he was brought up by Danish- 
mand Hajib in the ordo of Ogetei Qa’an. [He had] — — [sons:] 
Toqan-Buqa, Toqan, — , 79 

76 Seven according to Verkhovsky, p. 1 7. 

77 See below pp. 152-53 ; also Arends, pp. 74-75. 

78 Apparently the son of Yebe, who is perhaps out of order and should be the sixth 
son, as in Verkhovsky (p. 17), where, however, Orug-Temur is shown as the son of a 
seventh son, Ajiqi. 

79 According to Verkhovsky’s more complete text, Melik had six sons: Tuman, 
Toghan-Buqa, Toghanchar, Toghan, Turchan, and Qutlugh-Toqmish. The Yuan 
shih ( CVII , p. 84) knows only of one son: Toqu. 




The [ general ] history of and [ particular ] anecdotes 
regarding his reign ; 

a picture of his throne and wives and the princes and emirs 
on the occasion of his ascending the throne of the Khanate; 
an account of the battles he fought 
and the victories he gained 

description of his ascension of the throne of the Khanate 

In the qaqa yil, So that is, the Year of the Pig, falling within the 
months of the year 624/1226— 1227, 81 Chingiz-Khan, by reason of 
that condition which no mortal can escape, passed away in the region 
of Tangqut, having set out for the country of the Nangiyas and having 
reached the frontier [of that country]. As has been described in his 
history, his coffin was borne to Keluren, 82 which is their original yurt, 
and the mourning ceremonies were performed. All the princes and 
emirs then consulted together regarding the kingdom and departed 
each to his own place of residence, where, as had been agreed, they 
took their rest. For nearly 2 years throne and kingdom were deprived 
of a king. [Then] they reflected that [if] something happened and no 
leader or king had been appointed, falsehood and confusion would 

80 Literally “Pig Year,” from Mo. qaqa, “pig,” and T . yil (for Mo. jil, the Uighur 
script not distinguishing between y and j), “year.” On the Twelve-Year Animal 
Cycle, see Minorsky 1942, pp. 80-82; also Poucha 1962. 

81 It actually began on the 5th February, 1227. According to Juvaini ( HWC , 
p. 183), Genghis Khan died on the 18th August, 1227; according to the Titan shih 
Krause, p. 40), he died on the 25th, having fallen ill on the 18th. 

82 More usually Onan-Keliiren, that is, the region between the Onan (Onon) and 
the Keluren (Keriilen), Rubruck’s Onankerule, “which is as it were their original 
home, and in which is the ordu of Chingis chan” (Rockhill, p. 165). On the site of 
Genghis Khan’s tomb, see below p. 228, note 128; also Polo I, pp. 330-54. 



find their way into the foundations of the kingdom. It was therefore 
advisable to make haste in the matter of the accession to the Khanate. 
And on this delicate business they dispatched ambassadors to one 
another from every side and busied themselves with preparing a 
quriltai. When the violence of the cold had abated and the first days of 
spring had come round, all the princes and emirs set out from every 
side and direction for the ancient yurt and great ordo. From Qipchaq 83 
[came] the sons of Jochi: Orda, Batu, Shiban, Tangqut, Berke, 
Berkecher, and Toqa-Temur; from Qayaliq 84 [came] Chaghatai 
Khan with all his sons and grandsons; from the Emil and the Qobaq, 
Ogetei Qa’an with his sons and descendants; from the East, their 
uncles Otchigin and Bilgutei Noyan and their cousin Elchidei Noyan, 
the son of Qachi’un; and from all sides [came] the emirs and great 
men of the army. All of these now presented themselves at Keliiren. 
Tolui Khan, whose title is Yeke-Noyan or Ulugh-Noyan, 85 the lord of 
his father’s house and original yurt, was already there. The aforesaid 
company for 3 days and nights concerned themselves with pleasure, 
conviviality, and merrymaking, after which they spoke about the 
affairs of the empire and the kingship, and in accordance with the will 
of Chingiz-Khan they settled the Khanate upon Ogetei Qa’an. First 
all the sons and princes in one voice said to Ogetei Qa’an: “By the 
command of Chingiz-Khan it behoves thee with divine assistance to 
set thy [foot] upon the land of kingship in order that the haughty 
leaders may gird the loins of their lives with the girdle of servitude 
and that far and near, whether Turk or Tazik, [they] may be obedient 
and submissive to thy command.” Ogetei Qa’an replied: “Although 
Chingiz-Khan’s command was to this effect, yet there are my elder 
brother and uncles, and in particular my younger brother Tolui 
Khan is more worthy to undertake and accomplish this task, for in 
accordance with Mongol usage and custom the youngest son from the 
eldest house succeeds the father and administers his house and yurt , 

83 That is, the Qipchaq Steppe, the territory of the Golden Horde, in what is now 
South Russia. 

84 The Cailac of Rubruck, a little to the west of the present-day Kopal, in the 
Taldy-Kurgan Region in southern Kazakhstan. 

85 Literally, “the great noyan,” a title perhaps conferred posthumously on Tolui 
to avoid the mention of his real name. See Boyle 1956, pp. 146-48. 



and Ulugh-Noyan is the youngest son of the eldest ordu and was ever 
in attendance on Chingiz-Khan day and night, morning and evening, 
and has seen and heard and learnt th eyosuns™ and yasas. Seeing that he 
is alive and they are here present, how may I succeed to the Khanate ? ” 
The princes said in one voice: “Chingiz-Khan has confided this task 
to thee of all his sons and brothers and has entrusted the tying and 
untying thereof to thee. How can we admit any change or alteration 
of his firm decree and inflexible command ? ” After much insistence and 
importunity, Ogetei Qa’an also deemed it necessary to obey the 
commandment of his father and comply with the suggestions of his 
uncles and brothers; and he gave his consent. They all doffed their 
hats and slung their belts across their backs; and in the hiiker S7 j>il, 
that is, the Year of the Ox, falling in the months of the year 626/1228- 
1229, 88 Chaghatai taking his right hand, Tolui Khan his left, and his 
uncle Otchigin his belt, they set him upon the throne of the Khanate. 
Tolui Khan held a cup, and all present inside and outside the Court 
knelt in turn and said : “ May the realm be blessed by his being Khan ! ” 
They gave him the name of Qa’an, and Qa’an commanded the goods 
in the treasuries to be produced, and he distributed them amongst 
kinsmen and strangers and all his limitless family to the extent of his 
own generosity. And when he had done with feasting and making 
presents he ordered that in accordance with the ancient yasaq and 
their usage and custom they should provide victuals for the soul of 
Chingiz-Khan, and should choose forty beautiful girls of the race and 
seed of the emirs that had been in attendance on him and having 
decked them out in precious garments embroidered with gold and 
jewels, dispatch them along with choice horses to join his spirit. 89 

The account of Qa’an’s ascent to the throne of the kingdom being 
completed, we shall now begin and write his history as we wrote that 
of Chingiz-Khan, writing in separate sections of several years and 
mentioning at the end of each section the rulers of the surrounding 
countries and those persons of his family who reigned independently 
in the various kingdoms. We shall then return again to his history until 
it is completed. It is God to Whom we turn for help and in Him that we trust. 

85 See Glossary. 87 An older form of Mo. iiker, “ ox.” 

88 Actually 1229. 

85 On the elaborate tomb of the Mongol Khans, see Boyle 1965, pp. 14-15 and note 6. 



ning of hiiker yil, that is, the Year of the Ox, falling in Rabi‘ I of the 
year 626 of the Hegira [28th January-26th February, 1229], which 
is the year of his accession, from the death of Chingiz-Khan 90 until 
the end of the morin 91 fit, that is, the Year of the Horse, falling in 
Jumada I of the year 631 [2nd February-3rd March, 1234], which 
is a period of 6 years 

During this period, after organizing and reducing to order the 
affairs of the kingdom and the army, he proceeded against the coun- 
tries of Khitai, where he subjugated the provinces which had not yet 
been taken, and, having destroyed Altan-Khan, 92 he returned from 
thence to his capital, victorious and triumphant, as shall be recorded 
in detail in the accounts of these matters. 

Account of Qa’an’s beginning to issue ordinances , establish yasas, 

and organize the affairs of the kingdom 

When Qa’an had been established on the throne of the kingdom, he 
first of all made a yasa that all the ordinances that had previously been 
issued by Chingiz-Khan should be upheld and preserved and protected 
from change and alteration. [He also commanded:] “Any crime or 
offence that has been committed by anyone up to the day of our acces- 
sion, we have forgiven them all. If after today any person behaves with 
impudence and proceeds to an act that contravenes the old and new 
yasas, there shall befall him such chastisement and requital as are 
fitting to his crime.” 

Before Qa’an ascended the throne, in the very year of Chingiz- 
Khan’s death, the princes and emirs who had remained in the ordo 
of Chingiz-Khan, having consulted together, had sent Elchidei Noyan, 
the nephew of Chingiz-Khan, and Giiyuk Khan, the son of Qa’an, 
to the borders of the country of Qunqan 93 in order to capture it. They 

90 Verkhovsky has “and the third year following the death.” One would expect 
“second year,” as Genghis Khan died in 1227. 

91 Mo. “horse.” 

92 That is, the Chin Emperor, altan in Mongol, like chin in Chinese, meaning “gold.” 

93 I have been unable to identify the name. This episode does not appear to be 
mentioned in the other sources. 



had plundered and subjugated it and sent an emir called Tangqut 
Bahadur with an army as tama 94 to protect that province. Everyone 
was disputing about this, and when Qa’an ascended the throne he 
silenced all of the claimants by means of the aforesaid yasa. 

Thereafter he dispatched armies to all the borders and sides of the 
empire to protect the frontiers and the provinces. In the direction of 
Persia, unrest and insurrection had not yet abated, and Sultan Jalal 
al-Dln was still active there. He dispatched Ghormaghun Noyan and a 
group of emirs with thirty thousand horsemen to deal with him. 95 
He dispatched Koketei 96 and Siibedei Bahadur with a like army 
against the Qjpchaq, Saqsin, 97 and Bulghar; 98 toward Khitai, Tibet, 
Solanga," Jiirche, 100 and that general region he sent on in advance 
a party of great noyans with an army, whilst he himself with his 
younger brother, Mongke Qa’an, set out in the wake of that army 
toward Khitai, which had not yet submitted and where the Emperor 
of Khitai was still in possession. 

Of the setting out of Qa’an with his brother Tolui Khan for the 

land, of Khitai and the conquest of those parts which were still in rebellion 

In the bars 10 ' y'il, that is, the Year of the Leopard, falling in Rabl‘ 
I, 627 [17th January-i6th February, 1230], Qa’an set out with his 
brother Ulugh-Noyan for the land of Khitai, because in the reign of 

94 “Auxiliary force consisting of various nationalities, only the commanders being 
Mongols.” See Doerfer, I, No. 120 (pp. 255-56). 

95 On Sultan Jalal al-DIn, see below, pp. 43-48. 

96 Kokedei, “he of the swarthy countenance,” the name borne by one of Ghazan 
Khan’s ambassadors to Pope Boniface VIII. See Mostaert-Cleaves, pp. 469, 471, and 
473 - 74 - 

97 The precise site of Saqsin (identified by Minorsky with Ihn Khurdadbih’s 
Sarighshin, one of the towns of the Khazar) is not known. It lay somewhere along the 
estuary of the Volga, according to one late authority, near New Sarai, that is, on the 
eastern bank of the Upper Akhtuba near the present-day Leninsk, about 30 miles 
east of Volgograd. See Hudud, pp. 453-54, Minorsky 1955, p. 269, and Horde d’Or, 
pp. 165-74. 

98 The ruins of Bulghar (Bolghar), the capital of the Volga Bulghars, are situated 
near the village of Bolgarskoe in the Spassk district, 1 1 5 kilometers south of Kazan 
and 7 kilometers from the left bank of the Volga. See Hudud, p.461. 

99 North Korea. 

i°o Manchuria. 

101 t, “leopard, cheetah,” Mo. “tiger.” 



Chingiz-Khan, as has been described in the part of this history devoted 
to him, Altan-Khan, the king of Khitai, whose name was Shose, 102 
had abandoned the town ofjungdu, 103 which was one of his capitals, 
together with many provinces dependent on it and gone to the town of 
Namging 104 and that region. He gathered many troops around him and 
was still reigning at that time, whilst the provinces which Chingiz- 
Khan and his army had taken remained in the possession of the 
Mongols. Qa’an 10 * decided to overthrow him and conquer all those 
countries. He took with him Tolui Khan and Kolgen 106 of his brothers 
and certain of his nephews and sons, along with an extremely numerous 
army. Sending Tolui Khan with 2 tiimens 107 of troops by way of Tibet, 
he himself proceeded on the right in the direction of a province of 
Khitai, the people of which are called Hulan-Degeleten, 108 that is, 
the people who wear red coats. And since the road to Qa’an was long, 
Tolui Khan traveled all that year, and in the next year, which was the 
Year of the Hare corresponding to the months of the year 628 [Novem- 
ber 9, 1230-October 28, 1231], 109 the army was left without provisions 
or supplies and became very lean and hungry ; and things came to such a 
pass that they ate the flesh of human beings and all [kinds of] animals 
and dry grass. They proceeded in jerge 1 10 over mountain and plain 
until first they came to a town, the name of which is *Hojanfu Balqa- 
sun, 111 on the banks of the Qara-Moren. 112 They laid siege to it and 

102 That is, Shou-hsii, the personal name of the last Chin Emperor (1224-1234), 
his posthumous Temple Title being Ai-tsung. 

i°3 That is, Chung-tu, “ Middle Capital,” the name given by the fourth Chin 
Emperor to Peking. 

104 That is, Nan-ching, “ Southern Capital,” now Kaifeng in Honan. 

105 That is, Ogedei. See Boyle 1956, pp. 152-53, where it is suggested that Q_a’an, 
that is, the Q&’ an par excellence, was his posthumous title. 

106 Genghis Khan’s son by the Merkit princess Qulan. On his death in Russia, 

see below, p. 59 and note 237. 107 See Glossary. 

108 From Mo . hulan ( ulaghan ), “red,” and degelen ( degelei ), “jacket.” The Hulan- 
Degeleten are mentioned in §251 of SH. 

109 Beginning, in fact, on the 5th February, 1231. 

1,0 “Hunting circle; circular or semi-circular formation for the surrounding of the 
enemy.” See Doerfer, I, No. 161 (pp. 291-94). 

111 This corrupt name apparently represents Ho-chung, the modern Puchow in 
Shansi. See HWC, p. 191, note 3. 

112 Literally Black River, from Mo. qara, “black” and moren, “river”: the Mongol 
name for the Yellow River, Polo’s Caramoran. 



after 40 days the people of the town sued for quarter and surrendered 
the town; and about a tiimeti of troops embarked on a boat and fled. 
They carried off their women and children as prisoners, laid waste 
the province, and departed. 

Account of Tolui’ s arrival at Tungqan Qahalqa f 12 where the 

army of Altan-Khan had built a stockade, 11 * having seized that place, which 
is like a defile 

When Tolui drew near to Tungqan Qahalqa, he reflected that 
since this place was a difficult pass in the middle of the mountains and 
a defile not easy to force, the enemy would certainly have seized and 
be guarding it so that it would be impossible to pass through. It was 
in fact so. When he arrived, 100,000 horsemen from Altan-Khan’s 
army led by *Qada Sengiim, and *Hobegedur, IIS with several other 
emirs, had built a stockade on the plain and at the foot of the mountains 
on the far side of the army and, having made their dispositions, stood 
in ordered ranks waiting for battle, being exceedingly emboldened 
and encouraged by their own multitude and the smallness of the 
Mongol forces. When Tolui saw that they were many, he summoned 
one of the emirs, Shigi Qutuqu Noyan, 116 to him in private and con- 
sulted with him, [saying] : “Since the enemy have taken such a position 
and, having made their dispositions, are standing in battle-order it is 
difficult to fight them. The best course is for thee to ride up to them 
with three hundred horsemen to discover whether they will move from 
the spot.” Qutuqu, in accordance with the command, rode forward. 

113 That is, Tungkuan, the celebrated pass at the bend of the Yellow River, the 
Tunggon of SH (§251). Qahalqa (Mo. qaghalgh-a ) means literally “door” or “gate.” 

II4 Chapar, that is, a kind of wooden fence or paliside, such as the Mongols were 
accustomed to build around a town to which they were laying siege. See Boyle 1961, 
p. 156, note 3. 

115 On these two corrupt names, see HWC, p. 192, note 5. I have, at the suggestion 
of Professor F. W. Cleaves, identified them with the names of the two Chin generals 
mentioned in §§ 25 1 and 252 of SH. 

116 A Tatar foundling adopted by Genghis-Khan’s wife or mother, Shigi Qutuqu 
was, at the great quriltai of 1206, appointed to the office of grand judge. In the cam- 
paign in the West he was defeated by Sultan Jalal al-Din at the Battle of Parvan. 
He died at some time during the rebellion of Ari'q Bdke (1260-1264). See Boyle 
1963, p. 241. 



They did not move at all or budge from their position in order not to 
break th ejerge 1 ' 7 and to remain in proper order. And because of their 
own multitude and superiority and the fewness of the Mongols, pride 
and vanity had taken root in their brains and they looked with the 
glance of contempt upon the Mongol army and spoke big words, 
saying: “We shall encircle these Mongols and their king, and take 
them prisoner, and do this and that to their womenfolk.” And they 
gave expression to shameful ideas and unworthy desires. God Almighty 
did not approve of their arrogance and pride, and in the end [He] 
caused them to be defeated. When they paid no attention to the 
galloping about of Qutuqu Noyan and his army and did not give 
way, Tolui Khan said: “As long as they do not budge it is impossible 
to fight them, and if I turn back, our army will be dispirited and they 
will be all the more insolent. The best course is for us to make in the 
direction of the provinces and towns that belong to their king and, if 
possible, join Ogetei Qa’an and the main army.” And he appointed 
Toqolqu Gherbi, who was the younger brother of Borghuchin Noyan 
of the Arulat tribe , 118 with a thousand horsemen, to act as scouts and 
follow in the rear, whilst they themselves made off to the right. When 
the army of Khitai saw that they had turned their faces from battle 
and set off in another direction, they shouted out: “We are standing 
here. Come so that we may fight.” But they, for their part, paid no 
attention and continued to withdraw, and the Khitayans of necessity 
moved out of their position and began to pursue them, and because the 
Khitayan army was large the Mongol army went in fear and apprehen- 

All of a sudden the Khitayans struck at Toqolqu Cherbi, who was 
[in command of] the rearguard. They hurled forty Mongols into a 
muddy stream lying across their path and killed them. Toqolqu 
Cherbi joined his army and reported the situation. Tolui Khan gave 
order for the practice of rain magic . 119 This is a kind of sorcery carried 

117 See Glossary. 

118 According to the SH, Doqolqu — such is the correct form of the name — was the 
younger brother of Jedei Noyan of the Mangqut. See Campagnes, pp. 352-533, and 
Boyle 1956, p. 149. He was one of the six cherbis, or adjutants, appointed by Genghis 
Khan in 1206. See Boyle 1963, pp. 237-38 and 244. 

119 Jadamishi, on which see Doerfer, I, pp. 286-89. On this practice in modern 
times, see Harva, pp. 221-23. 



out with various stones, the property of which is that when they are 
taken out, placed in water, and washed, wind, cold, snow, rain, and 
blizzards at once appear even though it is in the middle of summer. 
There was amongst them a Qanql'i 120 who was well versed in that art. 
In accordance with the command he began to practice it, and Tolui 
Khan and the whole army put on raincoats and for 3 days and nights 
did not dismount from their horses. The Mongol army [then] arrived 
in villages in the middle of Khitai from which the peasants had fled, 
leaving their goods and animals, and so they ate their fill and were 
clothed. Meantime the Qanqli continued to practice rain magic, 
so that it began to rain in the Mongols’ rear and the last day the rain 
turned to snow, to which was added an icy wind. Under the effects of 
summer cold, such as they had not experienced in winter, the Khitayan 
army were disheartened and dismayed. Tolui Khan ordered [his] 
army to enter the villages, a unit of a thousand to each village, [and 
to] bring their horses into the houses and cover them up, since on 
account of the extreme severity of the wind and the icy blast it was 
impossible [to move about]. The Khitayan army, meantime, by 
force of necessity, remained out in the open country exposed to the 
snow and the wind. For 3 days it was altogether impossible to move. 
On the fourth it was still snowing, but Tolui observed that his own 
army was well fed and rested and no harm had come to them or 
their animals from the cold, whereas the Khitayans, because of the 
excessive cold, were like a flock of sheep with their heads tucked into 
one another’s tails, their clothes being all shrunk and their weapons 
frozen. He ordered the kettledrum to be beaten and the whole army 
to don cloaks of beaten felt and to mount horse. Then Tolui said: 
“Now is the time for battle and good fame: you must be men.” And 
the Mongols fell upon the Khitayans like lions attacking a herd of 
deer and slew the greater part of that army, whilst some were scattered 
and perished in the mountains. As for the two aforementioned generals, 
they fled with five thousand men, flinging themselves into the river, 
from which only a few were saved. And because they had jeered at 
the Mongols, speaking big words and expressing evil thoughts, it was 

120 The Qangli Turks (the Cangitae of Carpini and the Cangle of Rubruck), 
were closely associated with the Qipchaq (Comans). 



commanded that they should commit the act of the people of Lot with 
all the Khitayans who had been taken prisoner. 

So great a victory having been gained, Tolui Khan dispatched 
messengers to Qa’an with the good tidings thereof, and he too, vic- 
torious and triumphant, set out to join him. [In front of him was] 
the River Qara-Moren, which flows from the mountains of Kashmir 
and Tibet and separates Khitai from Nangiyas. It had never been 
possible to cross that river, and it was necessary for him to send 
Shin Chaghan-Buqa of the Uru’ut tribe 121 to search for a crossing. 
By chance that year there had been great floods which had brought 
down large quantities of stones and sand. These had collected in 
every part of the river and the water had in consequence spread out 
over the plain and was flowing in [a number of] branches, so that the 
river was a parasang broad and shallow. Chaghan-Buqa found that 
[place] and guided Tolui Khan so that they crossed safely over. 

Because Tolui Khan had been separated from him for some time 
and he had heard that an enemy had overpowered him when far from 
the main army, Qa’an had been in great distress of mind. When the 
good news arrived of his victory and safe return, he was exceedingly 
pleased and happy. And when Tolui Khan himself arrived he showed 
him much honor and praised him greatly. And so unexpected a victory 
having been gained, he left Toqolqu Cherbi with some other emirs 
to deal with Altan-Khan and subjugate all the countries of Khitai, 
whilst they themselves auspiciously returned, in triumph. Tolui 
asked permission to go on in advance: he died suddenly on the way. 
It is related that several days before, Qa’an had been sick, and at his 
last breath. Tolui Khan went up to his pillow. The qams , 122 as is their 
custom, had pronounced their incantations and washed his sickness 
in water in a wooden cup. Because of his great love for his brother, 
Tolui snatched up that cup and cried out with great insistence: 
“O Eternal God, Thou art aware and knowest that if this is [because 
of] sins, I have committed more, for in all the lands I have rendered 
many people lifeless and enslaved their wives and children and made 
them weep. And if it is because of his handsomeness and accomplish- 
ments, I am handsomer and more accomplished. Forgive him and call 

121 On the Uru’ut, see Khetagurov, pp. 184-86, and Campagnes, pp. 32-33. 

122 See Glossary. 



me to Thee in his stead.” Having uttered these words with great 
insistence he drank down the water in which they had washed the 
sickness. Ogetei recovered and Tolui took his leave and departed. 
A few days later he was taken ill and died. This story is well known, 123 
and Tolui Khan’s wife, Sorqoqtani Beki, used always to say: “He who 
was my delight and desire went into the head of Ogetei Qa’an and 
sacrified himself for him.” 

Qa’an spent the summer in Khitai in the place [called] Altan- 
Kere 124 and then departed, arriving, triumphant and victorious, to 
his capital in [the moghaiy'il, that is,] the Year [of the Snake]. 125 

Account of the battle of Toqolqu Cherbi with the army of Khitai, 

his defeat, Qa'an's sending help to him, the arrival of the Nangiyas to his 
aid, the destruction of Altan-Khan and the complete conquest of Khitai 

After a time, the army of Khitai gathered together and fought 
with Toqolqu Cherbi. He was defeated and put to flight and, with- 
drawing a long distance, [he] sent a messenger to Qa’an to ask for 
help. Qa’an said: “Since the reign of Chingiz-Khan we have fought 
many times with the army of Khitai and always defeated them; and 
we have taken the greater part of their lands. Now that they have 
beaten us it is a sign of their misfortune, a lamp which, at the time of 
going out, flares up and burns well and brightly and then goes out.” 
And he commanded that an army should be sent to Toqolqu’s aid. 
And since there was an ancient enmity between the kings of Machin 
which the Mongols call Nangiyas, and the kings of Khitai, who were 
of the race of the Jurche, 126 Qa’an issued a yarligh 127 that they should 
render assistance, approaching from their side whilst the Mongols 
approached from theirs, and lay siege jointly to Namging. In accord- 
ance with the command, they led a great army to the town of Namging, 
of which the circuit is said to be 40 parasangs ; it has three walls and is 

123 It is told in SH (§272) also. According to Juvaini ( HWC , p, 549), Tolui’s death 
was due to alcoholism. 

124 In Mo. “Golden Steppe,” from altan , “gold,” and ke’ere ( kegere ), “steppe.” 

125 That is, 1 233. The date is supplied from Verkhovsky. 

126 That is, the Manchurians. I2 7 See Glossary. 



surrounded on two sides by the River Qara-Moren. The Mongol 
and Nangiyas armies together laid siege to the town and set up man- 
gonels and laid ladders against the walls and stationed sappers with 
battering-rams at the foot of the walls. It became clear to the emirs and 
army of Khitai that the town would be taken and they reflected: 
“Our king is faint of heart. If we tell him, he will perish from excess of 
fear and dread, and our cause will be completely lost.” They concealed 
[the truth from him] and, in accordance with their custom, he con- 
cerned himself with pleasure with his wives and concubines in his 
mansions and palaces. When the wives and concubines realized that the 
town would be taken, they began to weep. Altan-Khan asked why 
this was and they told him of the plight of the town. He did not believe 
them and, going up in the wall, saw with his own eyes. When he was 
certain [of the town’s fate] he decided to flee. Embarking with some of 
his wives upon a boat, he set off along a canal which had been made 
from the Qara-Moren into the town and continues into another 
province, and so departed to another town. When the Mongols and 
the Nangiyas people learnt [of his flight] they sent troops after him and 
besieged him in that town. He fled from thence by boat and went to 
another town . 128 Again they followed him and besieged him. Since 
the way of escape was distant and blocked, the Mongol and Nangiyas 
troops set fire to the town. Altan-Khan realized that they would 
take the town. He said to his emirs and ladies: “After reigning so 
long and enjoying all manner of honors I do not wish to become the 
prisoner of the Mongols and die in ignominy.” He dressed his qorchi 129 
in his clothes and, having set him in his place on the throne, went out 
and hanged himself until he died. He was then buried. In some 
histories it is stated that he donned rags after the manner of the qalan- 
dars and went into hiding, and in the History of Khitai 130 it is stated 
that when the town was set on fire he was burnt. Neither of these two 
versions is correct. It is certain that he hanged himself and died; and 
2 days later they captured the town and put to death the person whom 
he had set in his place. The Nangiyas army entered the town, and the 
Mongols learnt that the person they put to death was not Altan-Khan 

128 This was Ts‘ai-chou (the present-day Junan). See Franke, IV, p. 290. 

129 See Glossary. 

130 Presumably the work on which Rashid al-Din’s own History of China was based. 



and [they] began to look for him. They were told that he had been 
burnt. They did not believe this and asked for his head. And when 
the Nangiyas army learnt of this state of affairs, although they were 
enemies of Altan-Khan, they assisted in preventing his exhumation 
from the grave and the handing over of his head, and together with 
the Khitayans [they] pretended that he had been burnt. The Mongols, 
to make certain, asked for his head, and they knew that if they gave 
another head the Mongols would find out that it was not his head. 
In the end they gave them a man’s hand. On this account the Mongols 
were offended with the Nangiyas, but at that time it was impossible 
to quarrel with them. 131 In short, Toqolqu Cherbi and the army, 
in the manner that has been mentioned, conquered all the countries 
of Khitai, and this victory was gained in the morin yil, which is the 
Year of the Horse, falling in Jumada I, 631 [2nd February-3rd 
March, 1234]. 

In that same year they removed turqaqs 132 and keziktens 133 without 
number from the land of Solanqa and sent them to Qa’an ; and their 
leader was Ong Sun. 134 

Six years of the history of Qa’an, from the beginning of the bilker 
yil, that is, the Year of the Ox, falling in Rabi‘ I of the year 626 [28th 
January-6th February, 1229], to the end of the morin yil, that is, 
the Year of the Horse, falling in Jumada I of the year 631 [2nd Febru- 
ary~3rd March, 1234], have been recorded in detail. We shall now 
begin recording, briefly and concisely, the history of the khaqans , 135 
caliphs, maliks , 136 sultans, and atabegs 137 of the surrounding countries 

131 On the various Chinese accounts of Ai-tsung’s death and the disposal of his 
body, see Franke, IV, p. 2go, V, p. 157. 

132 The turqaq was the day-guard, as distinct from the kebte’ul, or night-guard. See 
Minorsky 1939, p. 163. 

133 Mo. keshikten, “bodyguard,” Polo’s quesitan, “a word that in our language signi- 
fies ‘Faithful Knights of the Lord.’” See Doerfer, I, No. 333 (pp. 469-70), Polo II, 
p. 815, and Benedetto, p. 129. 

134 Identified by Ledyard (p. 14) with Wang Chun, a member of the Korean 
royal house who had gone to Qara-Qorum as a hostage in 1241. He regards this 
passage as a garbled version of Wang Chun’s activities in Korea in the Year of the 
Horse corresponding to 1258, and sees in the turqaqs and keshiktens “a reference to 
those Koreans, probably defectors, who accompanied him.” On Wang Chun or 
Wang Sun (1224-1283), the Duke of Yongnyong, see Henthorn, p. 1 18, note 13. 

135 See Glossary. 136 See Glossary. 

137 See Glossary. 



to the East and West, as also of those persons who were governors 
of certain provinces with absolute authority as representatives of 
Qa’an. We shall then return to the history of Qa’an and relate what 
occurred hereafter, if God so wills. 

Machin, the caliphs, sultans, maliks , and atabegs of Persia, Syria, 
Egypt, etc., and the emirs, who were governors of certain provinces, 
[all] who were contemporary with Qa’an, from the beginning of the 
hiikeryil, that is, the Year of the Ox, falling in RabP I of the year 626 
[28th January-26th February, 1229] to the en d of the moriny'il, that is, 
the Year of the Horse, falling in Jumada I, 631 [2nd February-3rd 
March, 1234] as also a further year of their history being the qulquna 138 
yil, that is, the Year of the Rat, corresponding to the months of the 
year 625/1 227-1 228, 139 the year of Chingiz-Khan’s death and the 
accession of Qa’an, briefly and concisely 

History of the emperors of Khitai who ruled during this period 

Shousu . I4 ° 

History of the emperors of Machin who ruled during this period 

Lizun 141 — 41 years, 7 years. 142 

History of the caliphs , sultans, maliks, and atabegs and the 

Mongol emirs who were governors of Certain provinces during this period 

History of the caliphs 

In Baghdad the Caliph of the ‘Abbasids, al-Nasir li-Din Allah, 
ruled supreme. He died in the beginning of 627/1229-1230 and was 

138 Mo. qulughana, “mouse, rat.” 139 Actually 1228. 

140 See above, p. 34, note 102. 

141 The Sung Emperor Li-tsung (1224-1264). 

142 The blanks are in all the mss. The 41 years must refer to the total length of Li- 
tsung’s reign and the 7 years to the length of his reign up to 1234; but in neither case 
are the figures exact. 



succeeded by his son Zahir. He in turn died in 628/1230-1231, and 
al-Mustansir bi’llah was set upon [the throne of] the Caliphate. 

History of the sultans 

In ‘Iraq 143 and Adharbaijan, Sultan Jalal-al-Dln reigned supreme. 
In the beginning of 625/1227-1228, returning from Isfahan, he came 
to Tabriz and set out for Georgia. And since the Sultan of Rum and 
the maliks of Syria and Armenia and all that region were alarmed at 
his power and ascendancy, they all rose up to repel him and gathered 
together in one place with an army of Georgians, Armenians, Alans,' 44 
Sarir, 143 Lakz, 146 Qiipchaq, Svan, 147 Abkhaz, 148 and Chanet. 149 The 
Sultan encamped near them at Mindor. 150 He was embarrassed by 
the great numbers of the enemy’s horsemen and consulted the vizier 
Yulduzchi and the other dignitaries. Yulduzchi said: “Since our men 
are not one hundredth of theirs in number, the best course is for us to 
pass through Mindor and remove and withhold the water and timber 
from them so that they may languish from hunger and thirst and their 
horses grow weak. We can then give battle when we see fit.” The Sul- 
tan was annoyed at these words. He hurled a pencase at the vizier’s 
head and said: “They are a flock of sheep. Does the lion complain 
of the size of the flock?” For that treachery Yulduzchi forfeited 50,000 
dinars. The Sultan went on: “Though the case is hard, we must 
fight with our trust in God.” The next day they drew up their lines, 
and the hostile army thought the Sultan in the midst of his troops to be 
a mountain in a plain. He ascended a hill in order to observe them and 
descried the standards of the Qipchaq with twenty thousand men. 
He sent Qoshqar to them with a loaf and a little salt and reminded 

143 That is, ‘Iraq-i ‘Ajam, Persian ‘Iraq or Central Persia. 

144 The Ossetes. 

145 The Avars of Daghestan. See Hudud, p. 447. 

146 The present-day Lezghians in Daghestan. See Hudud, pp. 41 1 and 455. 

147 This people still survives in modern Georgia along the Upper Ingur. See Allen, 
pp. 27-28. 

148 The Abkhaz on the Black Sea coast in the extreme northwest of Georgia are now 
citizens of the Abkhazian A. S. S. R. 

149 That is, the Chan or Laz, who still inhabit the southeastern shores of the Black 
Sea between Trebizond and Batum. See Allen, pp. 54-56. 

150 Mindori near Lori in what is now Soviet Armenia. According to the Georgian 
Chronicle, the battle was fought at Bolnisi. 



them of their former obligations. The Qipchaq at once turned rein 
and withdrew into a corner. The Georgian army now came forward 
and he sent [a messenger] to say: “Today you have just arrived and 
you are tired. Let the young men on either side lay hands upon one 
another in thrust and parry, and we shall watch from the side.” The 
Georgians were pleased and all that day until nightfall both sides 
attacked and retreated. Finally one of the brave aznaurs 151 came 
forward, and the Sultan, like Munkar, 152 

Charged out from the army like a lion and came valiantly before Hujlr. 153 
And whilst men watched from every side the Sultan at full gallop 

Thrust a lance at his girdle so that khaftan and clasps were split open. 154 

The man had three sons, who came forward separately one after 
the other, and the Sultan destroyed each of them in a single charge. 
Another aznaur of exceedingly fearful size rode on to the field, and 
because the Sultan’s horse was tired he was about to vanquish him; 
but the Sultan in an instant sprang down from his horse and felled and 
killed the man with a single thrust of his lance. Seeing the Sultan thus, 
his troops in a single charge put the whole [of the enemy army] to 

The Sultan then proceeded to Akhlat. 155 The inhabitants closed the 
gates and refused to accept advice. He laid siege to the town for 2 
months and the townspeople were desperate with hunger. The Sultan 
ordered his men to attack at once from every side and make their way 
into the town. He took up his abode in the palace of Malik Ashraf, 156 
while Mujir al-Din, the latter’s brother, and his slave ‘Izz al-Dln Ai- 
Beg entered the citadel without provisions. Mujir al-Din came out 
first, and the Sultan treated him with great honor ; and Ai-Beg also came 
out after him. The Sultan’s treasury was replenished with the wealth of 

'si In Georgian aznauri. On this Georgian rank, see Allen, pp. 225-27. 

152 One of the two angels who question the dead in their graves. 

153 Vullers, p. 448, 1.252. See HWC, p. 441, note 12. 

154 Vullers, p. 236, 1. 341. See HWC, p. 441, note 13. The khaftan (whence our caftan ) 
was a kind of tunic worn under armor. 

133 The present-day Ahlat on the northwestern shores of Lake Van in eastern 

156 On the Aiyubid Malik Ashraf, afterward ruler of Damascus (1229-1237), see 
Caucasian History, pp. 149-56. 



Malik Ashraf, and because he had defeated the Georgians and taken 
Akhlat, the fame of his greatness and splendor was spread abroad. 
The maliks of Egypt and Syria, following the example of the caliphs 
of the City of Peace ,' 57 dispatched gifts and presents to his court; and 
his cause was again in the ascendant. 

From thence he proceeded in the direction of Khartabirt , 158 being 
affected with some infirmity. It was at this time that the Sultan of 
Erzerum was distinguished with all manner of favors and kindnesses 
for having assisted the Sultan’s army with provisions and fodder at the 
siege of Akhlat. He reported that ‘Ala al-Din of Rum 159 had made 
peace with the maliks of Aleppo and Damascus ; that they were allied 
together to attack the Sultan and were busy collecting their forces; 
and that they were constantly threatening him and saying that if the 
Sultan had not been helped by him with provisions at the gates of 
Akhlat he could not have maintained himself. Hearing these words 
the Sultan, despite his infirmity, at once mounted horse. When he 
came to the plain of Mush ,' 60 six thousand men, who were going to the 
aid of that host, crossed the Sultan’s path. In a single charge [the 
Sultan and his army] destroyed them all. 

Some days after, the armies drew close to each other, and the Sultan 
of Rum, Malik Ashraf, and the other maliks came together from the 
various provinces with such gear and equipment as will not enter 
into computation. They drew up their forces on a hilltop, the naphtha- 
throwers and crossbowmen standing with cowhide shields in front, 
and the horsemen and footmen behind. The Sultan decided to get out 
of his litter and mount his horse, but because of the strength of his 
illness he was unable to hold the reins, and the horse turned back. 
His attendants said that he should rest for awhile, and his personal 
standard was accordingly carried back. The right and left wings 
thought he was fleeing and themselves turned in flight. But the enemy 
imagined that the Sultan had had recourse to a trick in order to draw 
them down on to the plain, and a herald in the midst of their forces 
cried out that no one was to stir from his position. Such fear had over- 
come Sultan ‘Ala al-Din that he had not even the faculty to remain 

157 That is, Baghdad. 158 Now Harput. 

159 The Seijuq ruler of Rum, or Asia Minor, ‘Ala al-Din Kai-Qubad I (1219-1236). 

160 The present-day town and district of Mus, to the west of Lake Van. 



still, and Malik Ashraf ordered locks to be put on the fore and hind 
legs of his mule . 161 

His army having fled and scattered in every direction, the Sultan 
of necessity set out toward Akhlat, and, summoning those whom 
he had detailed to defend it, he proceeded to Khoi. Mujir al-Din, 
the brother of Malik Ashraf, he dismissed with full honors, while to 
Taqi al-Din 162 he gave leave to return and intercede for him with the 
Caliph al-Mustansir bi’llah. As for Husam al-Din Qaimari , 163 he had 
fled. His wife, the daughter of Malik Ashraf, the Sultan sent back 
with every manner of kindness, her honor unsullied. As for ‘Izz 
al-Din Ai-Beg, he had been imprisoned in the castle of Dizmar , 164 
and there he died. 

Meantime, news arrived that Chormaghun Noyan had crossed the 
Oxus with a great army to attack the Sultan. The Sultan deputed 
the vizier Shams al-Din Yulduzchi to defend the castle of Giran 165 
and entrusted his womenfolk to him. He himself proceeded to 
Tabriz, and although he had differences with the Caliph and the maliks 
and sultans of Rum and Syria, he sent messengers to each of 
them and informed them of the Mongols’ approach. The purport of his 
message was to the effect that the Tartars were exceedingly numerous 
and this time more so than ever and that the troops in that region were 
in terror of them. “If,” he went on, “you will not assist with men and 
equipment, I, who am like a wall, shall be removed, and it will be 
impossible for you to resist them. Let each of you give aid to himself, 
his children, and the Muslims by [sending] a detachment and a stand- 
ard, so that when the report of our concord reaches them they will be 
rebuffed and our own troops encouraged. But if you treat this matter 
lightly you shall see what you shall see. 

Let each of you see to his life; exert your understanding in this matter.” 

161 This detail is not in Juvain! (HWC, p. 451), whom Rashid al-Din here follows 
very closely. For an account of the Battle of Arzinjan (Erzincan) according to the 
Arabic sources and Ibn Bibi, see Gottschalk, p. 1 91 . 

162 Also a brother of Malik Ashraf. 

163 Afterward the Aiyubid governor of Aleppo, from whence he fled upon the 
approach of Hvilegu. See HWC, p. 451 and note 6. 

164 East of Marand in Azerbaijan. 

165 The present-day Kilan, to the north of the Araxes. 



The powerful fortune of Chingiz-Khan and his descendants threw 
their words into disagreement and changed the Sultan’s hope into 
despair. Suddenly news arrived that the Mongol army had reached 
Sarav. 166 The Sultan set out for Bishkln. 167 The roof of the palace in 
which he lodged at night caved in. He did not take this as an omen 
but bore it with patience and the next day set out for Mughan. 168 
After he had been there 5 days the Mongol army drew near, and the 
Sultan abandoned his encampment and entered the mountains of 
Qaban. 169 Finding the Sultan’s encampment empty they turned back. 

The Sultan passed the winter of 628/1230 in Urmiya 170 and Ush- 
nuya. The vizier Sharaf al-Din was falsely accused of having, at the 
time of the Sultan’s absence when all news of him was cut off, cast 
covetous eyes at his harem and treasury. When the Sultan came to that 
district, [Sharaf al-Din] refused out of fear to come out of the castle 
and asked for a safe-conduct. At his request the Sultan sent Buqu Khan 
to bring him out. Then he said: “I raised Yulduzchi from the nadir 
of abasement to the zenith of exaltation; and this is how he shows his 
gratitude.” He handed him over to the governor of the castle and 
distributed his belongings as plunder; and the vizier died in that 

The Sultan now set out for Diyar Bakr, and when the Mongol army 
came to Chormaghun, [the latter] chided them saying: “Why have 
you returned and not made the utmost exertion in seeking the Sultan ? 
When such an enemy has grown weak how is it possible to give him 
grace?” And he dispatched in his pursuit the emir Naimas and a 
group of other emirs with a large force. Now the Sultan had sent back 
Buqu Khan to act as scout and reconnoiter the position of the Mongol 
army. When he came to Tabriz, it was reported to him that from 
‘Iraq there had come news of the dispersal [of the Mongols] and that 
in that region also there was no trace of that people. Buqu Khan, 
acting without circumspection, turned back and bore the Sultan the 

156 Sarab, on the road from Tabriz to Ardebil. 

167 Now Mishkin, the district around Ahar. 

168 That is, the Moghan Steppe, south of the Araxes on the western coast of the 

169 The Armenian Kapan, now Kafan, a district in the extreme southeast of Soviet 
Armenia, noted as a copper-mining center. 

170 NowRezaiyeh (Riza’iya). 



glad tidings that they had departed. In their joy and exultation, the 
Sultan and all the emirs and soldiers engaged in pleasure and merry- 
making and passed 2 or 3 days in folly and rejoicing. One day at 
midnight the Mongol army came upon them. The Sultan was deep 
in drunken sleep. Orkhan, learning of the Mongols’ arrival, ran to 
[the Sultan’s] bedside, but as much as he called him he did not awaken. 
They threw cold water on his face until he came to himself and realized 
the situation. He turned to flee, ordering Orkhan not to move his 
standard and to offer resistance until he had gained a little lead. 
Then he departed and Orkhan, after standing firm for awhile turned 
in flight; and the Mongols, thinking it was the Sultan, set out in his 
pursuit. When they realized [their mistake] they returned and slew 
all that they found. Meanwhile, the Sultan, having set out alone, was 
moving with great haste. Accounts differ as to how he met his end. 
Some say that he was sleeping at night under a tree in the Hakkar 
mountains when a party of Kurds came upon him and, coveting 
his clothes and horse, split open his stomach. 171 Then, putting on his 
garments and arms, they entered the town of Amid. 172 Some of his 
retinue recognized the clothes and weapons and seized the men; and 
the ruler of Amid, when he had ascertained the circumstances, put 
them to death. The Sultan’s body was then brought to Amid and 
buried there; and a dome was built over his tomb. Others say that he 
gave the men his arms and garments of his own free will, taking their 
coarse clothing in exchange, and began to wander through the lands 
in the garb of the Sufis. However that may be, his rule now came to an 

As for Sultan Ghiyath al-Dln, in the year 624/1226-1227, when they 
were fighting the Mongols at the gates of Isfahan, he purposely 
abandoned the left wing, which his brother had entrusted to him, 
and made for Khuzistan by way of Luristan. The Caliph Nasir 

171 This differs considerably from Juvaini’s version [II WC, p. 459) : “Some say that 
upon arriving in the mountains of Amid he had encamped for the night in a certain 
place when a party of Kurds conceived a desire to despoil him of his clothes and 
stabbed him in the breast . . . .” By the Hakkar mountains is meant presumably the 
territory of the Hakkar! Kurds, the present-day province of Hakari, to the south of 
Lake Van. 

,7Z The present-day Diyarbakir (Diyar Bakr), the chief town of the Turkish province 
of the same name. 



sent his presents and letters-patent as Sultan. He then turned back, 
and when Sultan Jalal al-Din was in Armenia and Georgia, he set 
out for Alamut. ‘Ala al-Din 173 received him with honor and respect 
and rendered suitable services. After some time he again set out for 
Khuzistan and sent a messenger to Baraq Hajib 174 in Kirman to 
inform him of his arrival. Again a treaty was concluded between them, 
and it was agreed that Baraq should meet him in the desert near 
Abarquh. The Sultan set out for Kirman with his mother, and Baraq 
came to meet him in the aforesaid place with nearly four thousand 
horsemen and for 2 or 3 days behaved with proper respect. However, 
since the Sultan had no more than five hundred horsemen with him, 
Baraq conceived the desire to marry his mother. One day he came and, 
sitting on the same carpet with the Sultan, began to address him as his 
child. He allotted to each of his emirs the places of dignitaries and 
sent a message seeking his mother’s hand. The Sultan, seeing no means 
of forestalling him, complied with his suggestions; and his mother, 
after objecting and refusing, agreed to the marriage. After much 
pressing, she entered [Baraq’s house] with a number of her servants 
wearing mail under their tunics, and the marriage was consummated. 
When they reached the town of Guvashlr, 175 which is the capital of 
Kirman, and some days had passed, two of Baraq’s kinsmen came to the 
Sultan and said: “Baraq is not to be trusted, for he is treacherous and 
deceitful. We have discovered an opportunity. If we make away with 
him, it is fitting that thou shouldst be the Sultan and we thy obedient 
slaves.” The purity of his origin would not allow him to violate his 
covenant, but since the sun of that dynasty’s fortune had reached its 
decline, one of his intimates told Baraq in private of these words. He 
at once examined his kinsmen and Sultan Ghiyalh al-Din and they 
admitted what had happened. He ordered their limbs to be cut to 
pieces in the Sultan’s presence and the Sultan to be detained in a 
castle. Afterward he sent men to place a bowstring 176 round his neck 

173 Marco Polo’s “Old Man of the Mountains, Alaodin by name,” that is, Muham- 
mad III, the Grand Master of the Isma'ilis or Assassins (1221-1255), on whom see 
HWC , pp. 703-12, and Hodgson, pp. 256-58. 

174 On Baraq Hajib, the first of the Qutlugh-Khans of Kirman, see CHI, pp. 323, 
329, and 332. 

175 Now called Kirman (Kerman) after the province of which it is the capital. 

176 A rope, according tojuvaini (HWC, p. 473). 



and put him to death. The Sultan cried out: “After all, did we not 
make a covenant not to plot against each other? Why dost thou see 
fit to break it without cause?” His mother, hearing her son’s voice, 
gave out a cry. They were both of them strangled and all his army 
put to death in the same manner. Baraq sent the head of Sultan Ghiyath 
al-Din to Qa’an with the message: “You have two enemies, Jalal 
al-Din and Ghiyath al-Din. I have sent you the head of one of them .” 177 
Such was the fate of the Khwarazm-Shahi Sultans. 

In Rum there reigned Sultan ‘Ala al-Din. His history during this 
period has been told in the account of Jalal al-Din . 178 

In Mosul there reigned Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ — -,' 79 

History of the maliks and atabegs 

In Mazandaran . l8 ° 

In Diyar-Bakr there reigned Malik Muzaffar al-Din, the lord of 
Irbil and all the towns except Mosul and that region . 181 

In Syria there reigned the sons of Malik ‘Adil ibn Ayytib, Malik 
Mu‘azzam and Malik Ashraf. A little of the history of Malik Ashraf 
has been told in the account of Sultan Jalal al-Din . 182 

In Egypt Malik Kamil ibn Malik ‘Adil Saif al-Din Abu Bakr 183 
reigned supreme. 

In Maghrib . l84 

In Fars there reigned the atabeg Muzaffar al-Din Sa‘d ibn Zangi . 185 

He died in the year , l86 Khwaja Ghiyath al-Din Yazdi, who 

was the vizier and the administrator of the kingdom, kept his death 
secret, and, sending his signet ring to the White Castle, he had his 
son, the atabeg Abu Bakr , 187 released from captivity and brought to his 
presence. Then flinging open the door of the pavilion, he said to the 

177 Juvaini does not mention this message to Ogedei. 

178 See above, pp. 45-46. 179 Blank in all the mss. 

180 Blank in all the mss. 

i8! Muzaffar al-Din Kok-Bbri (Blue Wolf), the last (1190-1232) of the Begteginids 
of Arbil. 

182 See above, pp. 44-46. 183 1218-1238. 

184 Blank in all the mss. 185 1195-1226. 

186 Blank in all the mss. The date should be 623/1226. 

187 1226-1260. 



emirs and the army : “ The atabeg decrees that Abu Bakr is his successor.” 
The emirs cast their belts about their necks and he became atabeg. 

In Kirman Baraq Hajib reigned supreme. His history has been told 
in the account of Sultan Ghiyath al-Din . 188 

In Sistan . l89 

History of the Mongol emirs who were governors of provinces 

In Khurasan, Chin-Temur, [who belonged to one] of the tribes of 
the Qara-Khitai , 190 was appointed to the governorship of that king- 
dom and the kingdom of Mazandaran. How this came about is as 
follows. At the time of the conquest of Khwarazm, Toshi 191 Khan 
left him there in the capacity of shahna . 192 During the reign of Qa’an, 
when he was sending Chormaghun to Persia, he commanded the 
leaders and basqaqs 193 of the provinces to accompany the levy in person 
and render assistance to Chormaghun. In accordance with the com- 
mand, Chi'n-Temur set out from Khwarazm by way of Shahristana , 194 
and from other directions came emirs representing each of the princes. 
Chormaghun for his part left with Chin-Temur, an emir to represent 
each prince, Kiil-Bolat representing Qa’an, Nosal Batu, Qiz'il-Buqa 
Chaghatai, and Yeke Sorqoqtani Beki, I9s and the princes. And since 
Chormaghun had neglected Khurasan, rebels and [other] riffraff 
were casting trouble and confusion into the provinces at every moment; 
and Qaracha and Yaghan-Sonqur, two of Sultan Jalal al-Dln’s emirs 
used to make raids upon Nishapur and that region, killing the shahnas 
whom Chormaghun had set over the provinces and seizing those who 
breathed the breath of submission to the Mongols. Chormaghun 
sent Kiil-Bolat and Chin-Temur into the region of Nishapur and 

188 See above pp. 49-50 ; also HWC, pp. 476-80. 

189 Blank in all the mss. 

190 Here Rashid al-Din follows Juvaini (HWC, p. 482) ; elsewhere (Khetagurov, 
p. 141), he says that Chin-Temur belonged to the Ongiit. 

191 That is, Jochi, the eldest son of Chingiz-Khan. Here Rashid al-Din reproduces 
Juvaini’s spelling of the name. On the etymology ofjochi, see below, p. 98, note 7. 

192 See Glossary. 

193 See Glossary. 

194 Shahristana (Shahristan) lay 3 miles north of Nasa, near the present-day 
Ashkhabad in Turkmenistan. 

195 On Princess Sorqoqtani, the widow of Tolui, see below, pp. 168-71 . 



Tus 196 to drive off Qaracha, and Kiil-Bolat returned after Qaracha 
had been put to flight. When news of the confusion in Khurasan 
reached Qa’an, he gave orders for Tayir Bahadur 197 to lead an army 
from Badghis, drive off Qaracha, and flood their dwellings and habi- 
tations. He set out in accordance with these orders but heard on the 
way that Qaracha had been put to flight by Kiil-Bolat and had taken 
refuge in the citadel of Slstan. Tayir Bahadur proceeded thither to 
lay siege to it and toiled away for 2 years before he took it. From Sistan 
he sent a messenger to Chin-Temur to say: “The administration of 
Khurasan has been entrusted to me: withdraw the hand of control 
from it.” Chin-Temur replied: “The report of a rebellion by the people 
of Khurasan was false. How can so many lands and peoples be destroy- 
ed on account of Qaracha’s crime. I will send a messenger to Qa’an 
to report on the situation and then proceed according to his command.” 
Tayir Bahadur turned back in anger. Chormaghun also sent messen- 
gers to summon him and the emirs and make him hand over the 
affairs of Khurasan and Mazandaran to Tayir Bahadur. Chin-Temur 
now deputed Kiil-Bolat, who was one of the confidential attendants 
of Qa’an, to proceed to his Court accompanied by the emirs of Khura- 
san and Mazandaran. In the meantime, Malik Baha al-Din of Sufluk 198 
had come down from the castle on condition that he be sent to the 
Court of Qa’an. Chin-Temur returned from Mazandaran, and the 
garrisons of most of the castles in Khurasan surrendered because of 
the news of Baha al-Din. When the latter came before Chin-Temur 
he was distinguished with great honor. From Mazandaran there 
was designated the ispahbad 199 Nusrat al-Din of Kabud-Jama, 200 
and the two of them set out for the Court of Qa’an in the company 
of Kiil-Bolat in the year 630/1232-1233. Since none of the emirs of 
those countries had come thither before, Qa’an was pleased and 
delighted with their arrival. He ordered feasts to be held and treated 
them with great kindness. On that account Chln-Temiir and Kiil- 

196 The ruins of Tus are situated a few miles north of Meshed. 

197 Dayir — such is the correct form of the name — belonged to the Qonqotan tribe. 
In 639/1241-2, he invaded India and fell in battle before Lahore. See Boyle 1963, 
p. 240. 

198 This was a castle to the north of the town of Isfarayin. See Mustaufi, p. 148. 

199 See Glossary. 

200 A district in the extreme east of Astarabad (Gurgan), the present-day Hajjilar. 



Bolat were distinguished with all manner of favors, and Qa’an said: 
“During all this time since Chormaghun went and conquered so 
many countries he has sent no malik to us, whereas Chin-Temur, 
despite the smallness of his equipment and resources, has served us 
thus. We approve thereof.” And he settled the governorship of Khurasan 
and Mazandaran upon him and commanded that Chormaghun and 
the other emirs were not to interfere. He made Kiil-Bolat his partner 
in command and conferred upon the ispahbad the rank of malik [over 
the territory] from the frontier of Kabud-Jama to Astarabad, while 
he settled on the Malik Baha al-DIn the same rank over Khurasan and 
Isfarayin, Juvain, Baihaq, Jajarm, Jurbad, and Arghiyan. 201 He gave 
them each a gold paiza 202 and two mandates with an altamgha . 203 

Chin-Temur, being now confirmed in his office by the yarl'igh , 
appointed Sharaf al-DIn, on account of his seniority, as vizier, and 
Baha al-DIn Muhammad Juvaini as sahib-divan: 20 * and each of the 
emirs sent a bitikchi 205 to the Divan to represent the princes. The 
Divan being restored to a fairly flourishing condition, Chin-Temur 
again sent Korgiiz upon an embassy to Qa’an. Kiil-Bolat sought to 
prevent this, saying: “He is an Uighur and will do everything for 
himself. It is not advisable.” But Chin-Temur refused to listen. When 
Korgiiz arrived and was questioned about the state of the provinces, 
he described it in accordance with [the Emperor’s] taste. The latter 
was pleased with his manner of expression and sent him back with all 
his wishes gratified. Shortly afterward Chin-Temur died. And God 
knows what is best, and it is to Him that we return. 

The History has now been written of the khaqans, caliphs, sultans, 
maliks, atabegs, and Mongol emirs who were contemporary with Ogetei 
Qa’an during this period of 6 years. We therefore take up the history 
of Ogetei Qa’an after this period, which, God willing, we shall record 
in detail. 

of the qonin 20b yil, that is, the Year of the Sheep, falling in Jumada 
I of the year 632 [29th January-2 1st February, 1235], to the end of the 

201 On this area in Western Khurasan, see Spooner 1965. 

202 See Glossary. 203 See Glossary. 204 See Glossary. 

205 See Glossary. 206 Mo. qoni\n\, “sheep.” 



kiiker yil, that is, the Year of the Ox, falling in Sha‘ban of the year 
638 [16th February-i6th March, 1241], a period of 7 years, during 
which period he [held] two great quriltais of the princes, dispatched 
emirs to the lands of Qipchaq, Machin, and elsewhere, and everywhere 
constructed fine buildings, both towns and palaces; in the last year of 
the period, which was the thirteenth since his accession and the fifteenth 
since the death of Chingiz-Khan, he died 

History of the QcparCs holding a quriltai and dispatching 

princes and emirs to all the frontiers and borders of the lands 

Having returned in the Year of the Horse 207 from his conquest of the 
lands of Khitai, Qa’an had called an assembly in Talan-Daba 208 
and held a quriltai. In this Year of the Sheep he wished to reassemble all 
the sons, kinsfolk, and emirs and cause them to listen once again to 
thej yasas and ordinances. They all presented themselves in accordance 
with his command, and he distinguished them everyone with every 
sort of kindness and favor. For one continuous month, in unison with 
his kinsmen, he joined the morning [draught] to the evening draught 
in feasting, and in his wonted manner and according to his practice, 
he bestowed upon that assembly all the valuables that had been gather- 
ed together in the treasuries. And when they had done with feasting 
and merrymaking he turned to the disposal of the affairs of the state 
and the army. And since some parts of the lands had not yet been 
conquered, and in certain countries some were practicing rebellion, 
he set about dealing with these matters, dispatching each one of his 
kinsmen in a different direction and intending to proceed in his own 
person to the Qipchaq Steppe. However, Mongke Qa’an, who, 
although in the first flower of youth, had the perfect wisdom and 
counsel of an old man, remarked upon Qa’an’s intention and said: 
“All of us brothers and sons stand awaiting thy ever-fulfilled command 
so that we may give our lives in whatever manner he may suggest 
whilst Qa’an busies himself with spectacles and pleasure and amuse- 
ment and does not endure the toils and hardships of travel. Otherwise 

207 1234. 

208 For Dalan-Daba, “Seventy Passes” (Mo. dala{n), “seventy,” and dabagha{n), 
“mountain pass”). It was apparently the name of a mountain. See Campagnes, p. 244. 



of what use are kinsmen and emirs, and a countless army?” All 
present approved these perfect words and made them their model 
and guide ; and the august mind of Qa’an resolved that of the princes, 
Batu, Mongke Qa’an, and Giiyuk Khan, together with others of the 
princes and a great army, should set out for the countries of the 
Qipchaq, Orus , 209 Bular , 210 Majar , 211 Bashgh'ird , 212 Sudaq , 213 and 
[all] that region and subjugate them all. 

In the same year in the plain of Asichang , 214 Ogetei Qa’an dispatched 
his own son, Kochii, and Prince Qutuqu, the son of Jochi-Qasar, into 
Machln, which they call Nangiyas. They set out and captured the 
towns of Sangyambu and Kerimbu , 215 laying waste the country of 
Tibet upon their way. 

In the same year Hoqatur 216 was sent with an army toward Kashmir 
and India. They captured and pillaged several provinces. 

In the same year qubchur 217 on animals was fixed at the rate of one 
beast for every hundred. Also Qa’an commanded that a taghar 218 of 
grain should be levied for every ten taghars to be distributed among the 
poor. And as there was [much] coming and going of ambassadors 
both from the princes [to the Court of Qa’an] and from the Court to 
the princes upon important and necessary business, yams were set up 
in all the lands which were called tayanyams , 219 and for the setting up of 
those yams ambassadors were designated and appointed on behalf of 
the princes as follows : 

On behalf of Qa’an, Bitikchi Qoridai. 

On behalf of Chaghatai, Emegelchin Tayichi’utai. 

209 The Mongol name for the Russians. 

210 The Bulgars, whether of the Volga or of the Danube. See Horde d’Or, pp. 124-39. 

211 The Magyars or Hungarians. 

212 The Uralian Bashkirs, now citizens of the Bashkir A. S. S. R. 

213 On the southeast coast of the Crimea, Polo’s Soldaia. 

214 Unidentified. 

215 Hsiang-yang fu (Siangyang) and Chiang-ling fu (Kiangling) in Hupeh. 

216 The Oqotur of SH. He was in command of forces in the Baghlan-Qunduz- 
Badakhshan area. See Boyle 1963, pp. 242 and 247, note 68. On the invasion of 
Kashmir see Jahn 1956, p. 177. 

217 On qubchur , originally as here a tax in kind (usually cattle), see Doerfer, I, 
No. 266 (pp. 387-91). 

2,8 A well-known dry-measure equivalent to 83.4 kilograms. See Hinz, p. 52. 

219 On yam (Mo .jam), “post station,” and tayan yam, see below, p. 62 and note 



On behalf of Batu, Suqa Mulchitai. 

On behalf of Tolui Khan, Alchi'qa went at the command of Sorqoq- 
tani Beki. 

The above-mentioned emirs went upon their way and established 
tayan yams in all the lands and countries throughout the length and 
breadth of the climes. 

And Qa’an sent messengers to all the ends of the lands with the 
message that no mortal should molest another and the strong should 
not exercise their strength on the weak, nor seek more than their due 
of them, nor behave tyrannically toward them. And the people were 
at rest, and the fame of his justice was spread abroad. 

Account of the battles fought by the princes and the Mongol 
army in the Qipchaq Steppe , Bulghar , Orus, Magas, Alan, Majar, Bular, and 
Bashghird, and the conquest of those countries 220 

The princes deputed to conquer the Qipchaq Steppe and the neigh- 
boring regions were: of the sons of Tolui, his eldest son Mongke Qa’an 
and his brother Bochek; of the family of Ogetei, his eldest son Giiyiik 
Khan and his brother Qadan; and the sons of Jochi, Batu, Orda, 
Shiban, and Tangqut. Of the principal emirs, there accompanied 
them Siibedei Bahadur and several other emirs. They all set out 
together in the spring of the bichin fit, that is, the Year of the Monkey, 
falling in Jumada II of the year 633 [12 th February- 12 th March, 
1236]. Having traveled throughout the summer, in the autumn, in 
the region of Bulghar, they joined the family [of Jochi], Batu, Orda, 
Shiban, and Tangqut, who had also been deputed to that region. 

From thence, 221 Batu together with Shiban and Boroldai took the 
field with his army against the Bular and Bashghird 222 and in a short 

220 For an earlier translation of this chapter, see Minorsky 1952, pp. 224-26. 

221 This part of Rashid al-Din’s account has, as Minorsky (1952, p. 228) points out, 
been inserted in the wrong place. The operations in the Carpathians and Hungary 
took place later, in 1240. The present version is based on JuvainI ( HWC , pp. 270- 
71 ) ; for Rashid al-Din’s own version, see below pp. 69-71 . 

222 The phrase “Bular and Bashghird,” like Juvaini’s “Keler and Bashghird,” 
seems to mean simply “the Hungarians.” See Horde d'Or, p. 139. However, Minorsky 
(1952), follows Blochet in reading Pulu for Bular and thinks this may reflect “some 
memory of Poland, which was invaded before Hungary.” 



time and without great trouble captured that [country] and slaughtered 
and looted there. It happened as follows. The Bular were a numerous 
people of the Christian religion whose country bordered on [that of] 
the Franks. When they heard the report of the approach of Batu and 
the emirs, they made preparations and set out with 40 tiimens of 
illustrious troops. Shiban, who was in the van with ten thousand 
men, sent word that they were double the size of the Mongol army, 
every one a bahadur . 223 When the two armies drew up opposite each 
other Batu, following the custom of Chingiz-Khan, went up on to a 
hilltop and for one day and night prayed and lamented to God 
Almighty; he also commanded the Muslims to offer up sincere prayers. 
A large river 224 lay between [the two armies] : Batu and Boroldai 
crossed it in the night and joined battle. Shiban, Batu’s brother, 
attacked and fought in person; and the emir Boroldai and all the 
forces, attacking together, made for the pavilion of the keler 223 and 
cut the ropes with their swords. Their army lost heart and fled; and 
the Mongols, like a brave lion falling upon its prey, pursued them, 
smiting and slaying until they had destroyed the greater part of that 
army and that country had been conquered. This victory was one of 
their great deeds. Bular and Bashghird is a great region with [many] 
places difficult of access, and yet they conquered it. They have rebelled 
again and have not yet been completely subjugated. Their kings are 
called keler. 

Thereafter, 226 in the winter, the princes and emirs gathered to- 
gether on the River Jaman 227 and sent the emir Subedei with an army 
into the country of the As and the region of Bulghar. They [themselves] 

went as far as the town of , 228 The emirs [of the town], Bayan 

and Chi'qu, came and paid homage to the princes. They were received 
with honor, but upon their return [Bayan and Chi'qu] again rose in 
revolt, and Subedei Bahadur was sent [against them] for the second 
time in order to take them prisoner. 

223 See Glossary. 224 The Sayo. 

225 The Hungarian kiraly, “king.” See Horde d’Or, pp. 121-22. 

226 Here we seem to be back in an earlier period, ca. 1237. See Minorsky 1952, 
p. 228. 

227 Perhaps a corruption of Jayaq, the Mongol name of the Ural (T. Yayiq). See 
Minorsky 1052, p. 239. 

228 KRYK or KWYK. 



Thereafter the princes held a council, and each with his army set 
out in an encircling movement and attacked and conquered the 
countries which lay across their path. Mongke Qa’an moved in such 
a circle upon the left along the bank of the river 229 and captured both 
Bachman, who was one of the chief emirs of those parts, of the *Ulirlik 
people in the *Qipchaq federation , 230 and Qachir-Ukula of the As 
people . 231 This happened in the following manner. This Bachman, 
together with a number of other robbers, had escaped from the sword 
and a further group of fugitives had joined him. He would strike upon 
every side and carry something off, and day by day the mischief he 
caused grew greater. He had no fixed place of abode, and the Mongol 
army could not lay hands on him. In the daytime he used to lie hidden 
in the forests on the banks of the Etil . 232 Mongke Qa’an ordered two 
hundred boats to be constructed and one hundred fully armed Mongols 
to be set in each, while he and his brother formed a hunting ring and 
proceeded along the banks of the river. In one of the forests on the 
Etil they found some dung and other traces of an encampment that 
had been hurriedly abandoned. In the middle of this they found an 
old woman, from whom they learnt that Bachman had crossed on to an 
island and that all that he had acquired during that period by his 
wickedness and mischief was on that island. Because no boats were at 
hand, it was impossible to cross the Etil, but suddenly a strong wind 
arose, the water began to billow, and [it] receded from the passage 
leading from the island to the other side; and because of Mongke 
Qa’an’s good fortune the bottom became visible. He ordered the troops 
to ride in. Bachman was seized and his army destroyed within an 
hour, some being flung into the river and some killed outright. The 
Mongols bore off their wives and children as prisoners, and they 
likewise carried off much valuable booty. Then they returned. The 

229 The Volga. This account of the operation against Bachman is reproduced from 
JuvainI {HWC, pp. 553-54). 

230 Jama' at. So Minorsky 1952, p. 225. Vlirlik (AWLYRLYK) probably represents 
the “Ilberi” clan of the QIpchaq, the conventional form of the name being “mal 
vocalise,” according to Pelliot ( Horde d’Or , p. 212, note 3 to p. 210). Verkhovsky 
(p. 38) has olburlik. The name does not occur in Juvaini’s version. 

231 That is, the Ossetes. The name of the Ossete leader has evidently undergone 
the influence of popular etymology, the first element being assimilated to Mo. qachir 
“mule.” He is not mentioned injuvainfs account. 

232 That is, the Volga. On the name Etil, see Boyle 1964, p. 1 78, note 18. 



water began to move, and when the troops had crossed, it was back 
again without one soldier’s having suffered harm. When Bachman was 
brought before Mongke Qa’an, he begged to be put to death by the 
latter’s own hand. Instead Mongke ordered his younger brother 
Bochek to cut him in half. Qachir-Ukula, the As emir, was likewise 
put to death. That summer Mongke remained in that region. 

Then, in the taqiqu 2n yil, that is, the Year of the Hen, falling in the 
months of the year 634/1236-1237, 234 the sons of Jochi Khan, Batu, 
Orda, and Berke, the sons of Qa’an, Qadan and Giiyiik Khan, as 
also Mongke Qa’an, the grandson of Chaghatai Khan, Biiri, and the 
son of Chingiz-Khan, Kolgen, went to war against the Boqshi and 
the Burtas 235 and conquered them in a short space of time. 

In the autumn of the same year all the princes that were in those 
parts held a quriltai, and all together went to war against the Orus. 
Batu, Orda, Giiyiik Khan, Mongke Qa’an, Kolgen, Qadan, and 
Biiri together laid siege to the town of Irezan, 236 which they took in 
3 days. They then also captured the town on the Ika, 237 where Kolgen 
was wounded and died. One of the Orus emirs, Orman 238 by name, 
advanced at the head of an army; he was defeated and slain. They 
likewise jointly captured the town of Makar 239 in a space of 5 days 
and killed the emir of the town, Ulai-Temiir 240 by name. Laying 
siege to the town of Great Yurgi, 241 they took it in 8 days. 242 The people 
fought hard, but Mongke Qa’an in person performed deeds of valor 
until he had defeated them. They captured the town of , 243 

233 T. taqaghn/taqighu, “fowl.” 

234 Actually 1237. 

235 The Boqshi are apparently the Moksha, a division of the Mordvins. Burtas 
(Burtas) seems to have been a general Islamic name for the Mordvins, who survive 
to this day as citizens of the Mordvinian A. S. S. R. 

235 Ryazan, whichfell on the 21st December, 1237. 

237 That is, the Oka. The town was Kolomna. 

238 Prince Roman, the defender of Kolomna. 

239 MKR or MAKARD. Apparently Moscow, then only a secondary town in the 
Suzdal principality. 

240 Vladimir, son of the Grand Duke Yuri. 

2+1 That is, Vladimir, the capital of the Grand Duke Yuri. 

242 According to the Russian sources, the siege lasted from 2nd to the 8th February, 

243 QYRQLA or QYRNQLA. According to Berezin PereyasIavT, according to 
Pelliot Torzhok. See Horde d'Or, p. 1 15, note 1 to p. 1 14. 



which is the original country of , 244 jointly in 5 days. The 

emir of that province, Yeke-Yurgu, 245 fled into a forest; he too was 
captured and put to death. Then they turned back, and [after] holding 
a council [they] decided to proceed in a hunting ring, tumen by tiimen, 
capturing and destroying any town, province, or castle that lay in 
their path. In passing, Batu came to the town of Kosel-Iske. 246 He 
laid siege to it for 2 months but was unable to capture it. Then Qadan 
and Biiri arrived and they took it in 3 days. Then they entered the 
houses and rested. 

Thereafter in the noqa 2 * 7 y'il, that is, the Year of the Dog, correspond- 
ing to the months of the year 635/1237-1238, 248 in the autumn, 
Mongke Qa’an and Qadan proceeded against the Cherkes 249 and, 
in the winter their king, Tuqar 250 by name, was killed. Shiban, Bochek, 
and Biiri proceeded against the region of Qi'rim 251 and conquered 
Tatqara 252 of the Qipchaq people. Berke proceeded against the Qipchaq 
and captured Arjumaq, Quranmas, and Qitran, 255 the leaders of the 
Mekriiti. 254 

Thereafter, in the qaqa 2 ss yil, that is, the Year of the Pig, correspond- 
ing to the months of the year 636/1 238-1 239, 256 Giiyiik Khan, Mongke 
Qa’an, Biiri, and Qadan proceeded against the town of Magas 257 
and took it in the winter, after a siege of 1 month and 15 days. They 

244 WZYRLAW. Minorsky (1952, p. 229) thinks this is Vsevolod III (1 176-1212), 
the father of the Grand Duke Yuri. 

245 The Grand Duke Yuri. He actually fell in battle on the Sit’ on the 4th March, 

246 Kozel’sk. The siege lasted 7 weeks according to the Russian chroniclers. 

247 Mo. noqai, “dog.” 248 Actually 1238. 

244 That is, the Circassians. 

250 TWQAR. So with Verkhovsky (p. 39), according to the Tashkent ms. Blochet 
has BWQAN. 

251 That is, the Crimea. 

252 So in Verkhovsky (p. 39). Blochet has td be-qarar, “up to the agreement,” which 
does not seem to make sense. 

253 Verkhovsky (p. 39) reads these names as follows: Arjumak, Kuran-bas, and 
Kaparan. Blochet has the phrase azjamal-i vufur-i u (translated by Minorsky, with a 
query, as “thanks to his good luck”) in place of the first name and the first two 
syllables of the second. 

254 Verkhovsky (p. 39) has Berkuti. Unidentified. 

255 Mo. ghaqai, “pig.” 256 Actually 1239. 

257 Reading MKS for the MNKS of the text. On Magas, the capital of the Alan 
or Ossetes, see Minorsky 1952, pp. 232-37. 



were still upon that campaign when the Year of the Rat 2 * 8 came around. 
In the spring, they appointed troops and gave them to Buqadai, 259 
whom they sent to Temur- Qahalqa 260 to capture the town and the 
region. As for Giiyiik Khan and Mdngke Qa’an, by the yarl'igh of 
Qa’an they turned back in the autumn of the Year of the Rat, and 
in the Year of the Ox, corresponding to the months of the year 638/ 
1 240-1 241, 261 [they] alighted in their own ordos. 

Account of the buildings which he constructed in the period between 
the princes' departure to Qjpchaq and their return; also a description of his 
houses and dwelling places and summer and winter residences 

From the beginning of the qonin yil, 26z corresponding to the months 
of the year 632/1234-1235, 263 when he sent the princes to the Qjipchaq 
Steppe, until the hiiker yil, 26 * corresponding to the months of the year 
638/ 1 240- 1 24 1, 265 when Giiyuk Khan and Mongke Qa’an returned, a 
period of 7 years, [Ogetei Qa’an] concerned himself with pleasure 
and merrymaking, moving happily and joyously from summer 
to winter residences and from winter to summer residences, 
constantly employed in the gratification of all manner of 
pleasures in the company of beauteous ladies and moon-faced mistresses 
and on all occasions turning his august mind to the diffusion of justice 
and beneficence, the removal of tyranny and oppression, the restoration 
of the lands and provinces, and the creation and construction of all 
manner of buildings. And in no way did he neglect the finest points 
in whatever related to laying the foundations of world sovereignty 
and raising the edifices of prosperity. Having brought with him from 
Khitai masters of every craft and trade, he commanded them to 
build in the yurt of Qara-Qorum, where he for the most part had his 
auspicious residence, a palace exceedingly tall in structure and with 
lofty pillars, such as was in keeping with the high resolve of such a 
king. The length of every wing of it was the distance of a bowshot, 

2S8 1240. 

25Q Verkhovsky’s Bukdai: Blochet’s text has QWQDAY. 

250 “ Iron Gate,” that is, Darband. 261 Actually 1241. 

262 The Year of the Sheep (Mo. qoni(n)). 

263 Actually 1 235. 264 The Year of the Ox (Mo. iiker). 

265 Actually 1241. 



and in the middle they raised up an exceedingly tall pavilion. These 
buildings were finished off in the best possible fashion and painted 
with all kinds of designs and pictures. They called it Qarshi : 266 he 
made it his residence and orders were given that each of his brothers 
and sons and the rest of the princes that were in attendance should 
build tall houses in that neighborhood. They all obeyed the com- 
mand, and when those buildings were completed and joined one to 
another they covered a great area. He then ordered distinguished 
goldsmiths to fashion, for the wine cellar, utensils 267 of gold and silver 
in the shape of animals such as elephants, lions, horses, etc. These 
were laid down in place of vats and filled with wine and kumys. 
In front of each of them was a silver basin, and wine and kumys 
came out of the mouths of those animals and poured into those basins . 268 

He asked: “Which is the fairest city in the whole world?” They 
answered: “Baghdad.” He ordered a great city to be built on the 
banks of the Orkhon and given the name of Qara-Qorum . 269 

Between the countries of Khitai and that town other yams 270 were 
established in addition to the tayan yams. At every stage a tiimen was 
posted for the protection of the yams. And he had issued ayasa to the 
effect that every day five hundred wagons fully loaded with food and 
drink should arrive thither from the provinces to be placed in stores 

266 Mo. qarshi, “palace.” It was built in 1235, its Chinese name being Wan-an 
kung (“Myriad Tranquillities Palace”). See Cleaves 1952, p. 25. This must be the 
“great palace” described by Rubruck (Rockhill, p. 207) as “situated next to the city 
walls, enclosed within a high wall like those which enclose monks’ priories amongst us.” 

267 These utensils cannot have been seen byjuvaini during his stay in Qara-Qorum, 
for he speaks of them ( HWC , p. 237) as real animals (“elephants, camels, horses, 
and their attendants”) used in lifting up the various beverages, that is, presumably 
in raising the great vats “ which could not be moved because of their weight.” 

268 This contrivance is surely identical with the “magic fountain” constructed by 
the Parisian goldsmith, William Buchier, for the Great Khan Mongke. See Rockhill, 
p. 208; also Olschki, pp. 45 ff. 

269 In fact, though Qara-Qorum was not walled till 1235, the capital seems to have 
been fixed there as early as 1220. See Polo I, p. 167. 

270 T .yam, Mo .jam, “post station.” For the fullest account of this postal relay 
system, see Benedetto, pp. 152-57. There were, according to the Chinese sources, 
three kinds of stations with the Mongol names: morin jam, “horse station,” tergen 
jam, “wagon station,” and nariti jam, “secret station,” the last-named used for urgent 
military matters. See Olbricht, p. 45, note 101. The tayan yam of Rashid al-Din — the 
spelling of the first element (TATAN) is quite uncertain — seems to stand in opposition 
to the nariti jam and so to mean something like “ ordinary post station.” 



and then dispensed therefrom. For [corn] and [wine] 271 there were 
provided great wagons drawn by six 272 oxen each. 

He ordered the Muslim uzan 273 to build a pavilion a day’s journey 
from Qara-Qorum, in a place where were in ancient days the fal- 
coners of Afrasiyab 274 and which is called *Gegen-Chaghan. 275 He 
would be in this place in the spring because he used to fly hawks 
there. 276 In the summer he would be in Ormiigetu. 277 There he had 
pitched a great tent which held a thousand persons and which was 
never struck. The outside was adorned with gold studs and the inside 
covered with nastj . 278 It is called Sira-Ordo. 279 In the autumn he was 
in Koke-Na’ur, 280 4 days’ journey from Qara-Qorum, where he would 

271 The words in brackets are supplied from Verkhovsky (p. 41). Blochet’s text has 
the unintelligible NKTY and SRMH. 

272 Eight, according to Verkhovsky (p. 41). 

273 Uzan : Persian plural ofT. uz, “skillful, craftsman.” 

274 Probably Biigu Khan, the legendary ruler of the Uighur, is meant. See HWC, 
p. 54 and note 5. Already in the nth century Kashghari had identified Alp-Er 
Tonga, a mythical Turkish hero, with Afrasiyab, the hereditary enemy of Iran in 
the Persian National Epic. So too the Qara-Khanids claimed to be of the “house 
of Afrasiyab” (al-i Afrasiyab) . See Turcs del’ Asie Centrale, p. 70. 

275 In Blochet’s text the first element of the name appears as KR, a reading which 
Verkhovsky adopts in his translation (Karchagan), though his own text has KHZ, 
which is much nearer to an original *KKN. Gegen-Ghagan (“Bright and White”) 
was apparently the name given to a series of lakes about 25 miles north of Qara- 
Qorum, probably on the Orkhon near the old Uighur capital at Qara-Balghasun. 
See Boyle 1970. The pavilion was built in 1237 at the same time as a “city” called 
Sa’uri(n). See Cleaves 1952, pp. 25-27. 

276 JuvainI (HWC, p. 237) speaks of his watching the hunting of waterfowl in 
front of the pavilion, which he calls Qarshi-yi Sun, that is, apparently, “the Qarshi 
of Sa’uri.” 

277 AWRMKTW. The name occurs otherwise only in the Alton Tobchi (p. 147 of the 
translation), where it is mentioned as the place in which Giiyiik ascended the throne 
of the Khanate. Ormiigetu was apparently the name given to a mountainous area 
to the south-east of Qara-Qorum between the Orkhon and the Khogshin Gol. See 
Boyle 1970. 

278 See Glossary. There were in fact, according to Carpini, two other pavilions 
in this area: the “Golden Orda,” where Giiyiik’s enthronement took place and where 
he afterward received the Pope’s envoys, and “ a wonderful tent, all of red purple, 
a present of the Kitayans [that is, the Chinese] . ” See Boyle 1970. 

279 The Sira-Orda of Carpini. See Becquet-Hambis, pp. 28 and 1 ig. 

280 For the first element of the name, Blochet’s text has KW§H and Verkhovsky’s 
KWSH. Koke-Na’ur (“Blue Lake”) — not to be confused with the Koke-Na’ur of 
SH (§89), which lay on the Sengkur within the great bend of the Keriilen, and still 
less with the Koko Nor in Chinghai, where there were no Mongols in the 1 3th century 



remain for 40 days. His winter quarters were at Ongqln, 281 where 
he would pass his time hunting in the Biilengii and Jelingii 282 moun- 
tains and so complete the winter. In short, his spring quarters were 
in the neighborhood of Qara-Qorum, his summer quarters in the 
meadows of Ormugetii, his autumn quarters between Koke-Na’ur 
and Usun-Qol, 283 a day’s journey from Qara-Qorum, and his winter 
quarters at Ongqi'n. And when he was on his way to Qara-Qorum, 
there was a tall pavilion which he had built 2 parasangs from the town 
named Tuzghu-Bahq; 284 here he would eat tuzghu from the town and 
make merry for one day. Then on the next day the people would don 
garments of one color, and he would proceed from thence to Qarshi, 
where tender youths would stand before him and for the space of a 
month he would devote himself to pleasure. He would open the doors 
of the treasuries and cause noble and base to share his general bounty; 
and every night he would pit archers, crossbowmen, and wrestlers 
against one another and would show favor and make presents to the 

In his winter quarters at Ongqin he had ordered a wall of wood and 
clay, 2 days’ journey in length, to be erected and gates set in it. 285 
This they called jihik . 286 When hunting, the soldiers on every side 
were all instructed to form themselves gradually into a hunting ring 
and make for the wall, driving the game toward it. From a distance of 
a month’s journey, proceeding with the utmost caution, they would 

- — is mentioned further on (p. 180) as the place where the princes assembled to elect 
Giiyuk to the Khanate. It was situated, perhaps, in the extreme south of Ormiigetii. 

281 AWNK QYN, that is, the River Ongin. Here is meant some point along the 
course of the river, perhaps the region around the present-day Arbai Kheere. 

282 BWLNKW (Blochet) or TWLWNKW (Verkhovsky) and JALYNKW. Un- 
identified. These mountains must be somewhere in the Gurban-Bogdo or Gurban- 
Saikhan chains in the Gobi Altai. 

283 For the second element of the name Blochet’s text has QWL, but two of the 
mss. (as Verkhovsky’s) have BWL. Unidentified. It was probably in the extreme north 
of Ormugetii. See Boyle 1970. 

284 A derivative of T. tuzghu, “food offered to a passing traveler,” and baliq, “ town.” 
According to Juvaini ( HWC , p. 213), it lay to the east of Qara-Qorum. According to 
the Tuan shih , it was 30-odd li from the town, that is, 10-odd miles. It was built in 
1238. See Cleaves 1952, pp. 25 and 27-28. 

285 According to Juvaini (HWC, p. 29), this wall was built between Ogedei’s winter 
quarters and the “ land of Khitai,” that is, North China. 

286 JYHK. The word does not seem to be recorded. 



slowly form themselves into a ring and drive the animals into the 
jihik, [at which point] the soldiers would stand shoulder to shoulder in 
a circle. Then, first of all, Ogetei Qa’an would enter the circle with his 
personal retinue and amuse himself for awhile killing game. When he 
grew tired he would ride up on to high ground in the middle of the 
ring, and the princes would enter in due order; then the common 
people and soldiers would do their killing; then some [of the animals] 
would be released for breeding and the rest of the game would be 
distributed by the buke’uls 287 to all the various princes and emirs of 
the army, so that no one went without his share. All that company 
would perform the ceremony of tikishmishi , 288 and then after g days 
of feasting each tribe would return to its own yurt and home . 289 

Account of Qa’an’s illness and death 

Qa’an was extremely fond of wine, and [he] drank continuously 
and to excess. Day by day he grew weaker, and though his intimates 
and well-wishers sought to prevent him, it was not possible, and he 
drank more in spite of them. Chaghatai appointed an emir as shah- 
na 290 to watch over him and not allow him to drink more than a 
specified number of cups. As he could not disobey his brother’s com- 
mand, he used to drink from a large cup instead of a small one, so that 
the number remained the same. And that emir-supervisor also used 
to give him wine and act as a drinking companion in order to make 
himself one of his confidants; and so his attendance brought no 
benefit to Qa’an. 

Ibaqa Beki, the sister of Sorqoqtani Beki, whom Chingiz-Khan 
had given to Kehetei Noyan , 291 had a son who was a ba’ttrchi . 292 This 

287 See Glossary. 

288 See Glossary. 

289 On the Mongol battues, see HWC, pp. 27-29; also Doerfer, I, No. 286 (pp. 

290 Used here in the sense of “supervisor,” the word was normally at this period a 
synonym of basqaq, that is, the representative of the conqueror in conquered territory, 
responsible in particular for the collection of tribute. 

291 Genghis Khan had first taken Ibaqa Beki as his own wife and had then bestowed 
her on Jiirchedei of the Urut (not his son Kehetei). See Campagnes, p. 236, and Conquer- 
ant, p. 181. 

292 See Glossary. 



Ibaqa Beki used every year, on the advice of Sorqoqtani Beki, to 
come from Khitai, where her yurt was, to attend [on Qa’an], and 
arrange a banquet in which she would hold his cup. In the thirteenth 
year from his accession she came as usual and, together with her 
son, who was the ba’urcki, she acted as his cupbearer. In the night 
Qa’an died in his sleep from excess of drink, and in the morning the 
princesses and the emirs raised an accusation against Ibaqa and her 
son saying that they had been the cupbearers and so must have poison- 
ed Qa’an. But Elchidei Noyan, who was a foster brother [of Qa’an] 
and an important emir of the Jalayir tribe, said: “What foolish words 
are these? Ibaqa Beki’s son was the bdurchi who always held the cup, 
and Qa’an was constantly drinking to excess. Why should we slander 
Qa’an by saying that he died at the hands of others? His appointed 
time had come. No one must repeat these words.” Being a sensible 
man he realized that the cause of his death was excessive and habitual 
drinking; he realized also that excessive drinking has such injurious 
consequences. 293 

According to the Mongols, Qa’an ascended the throne in a hiiker 
yil 294 and died in the next hiiker yil, corresponding to the months of 
the year 638/1240-1241, being the thirteenth year [of his reign]. 295 
But in the history of Master ‘Ala ad-Din Sahib, 296 it is stated that he 
died in the Year of the Leopard, corresponding to the 5th Jumada 
I, 639/ nth December, 1241. 297 Ogetei Qa’an had a physician called 

293 Some garbled version of this story must be the basis of Garpini’s statement (Rock- 
hill, p. 25, and Becquet-Hambis, p. 122) that Ogedei was poisoned by his “paternal 

294 Y ear of the Ox. 

295 The two years correspond in effect to 1 229 and 1241, respectively. 

296 That is, Juvaini. 

297 There is some confusion here. Juvaini never makes use of the Animal Cycle, 
and the year 639 a.h., which began on the 12th July, 1241, and ended on the 30th 
June, 1242, fell half in the Year of the Ox (1241) and half in the Year of the Leopard 
(1242). There follows, in Verkhovsky’s version, an account of Ogedei’s place of burial 
that is absent from the mss. used by Blochet. According to this passage, the Great 
Khan was buried at a distance of 2 days’ journey from the Irtysh, on a high mountain, 
covered with eternal snow, from which two of the tributaries of that river take their 
source. See Boyle 1968, where it is suggested that the tombs of Ogedei and his son 
Guyiik are situated somewhere on the southern slopes of the Saur mountains, which 
separate northern Sinkiang from the basin of the Upper Irtysh. 



— - — — , 298 who composed a chronogram on the date of his death 
and sent it to a friend in Transoxiana. It runs as follows . . ,. 2 " 

The history of Ogetei Qa’an has been completed from the beginning 
of the qonin yil, that is, the Year of the Sheep, corresponding to the 
months of the year 632/1234-1235, 300 until the end of the hiiker yil, 
that is, the Year of the Ox, corresponding to the months of the year 
639/1241-1 242, 301 a period of 7 years, in the last of which he died. 
We shall now, concisely, with God’s aid, record the history of the 
khaqans of Machin, the caliphs, certain sultans who still remained, the 
maliks and atabegs of Persia, and certain Mongol princes and emirs 
who ruled the surrounding countries. 

History of the khaqans of Machin , the caliphs , the remaining 
sultans, maliks, and atabegs of Persia, Rum, Syria, Egypt, etc., certain 
princes who were in the Qipchaq Steppe, the Mongol emirs in Khurasan and 
other provinces, who were contemporary with Qa’an during this period of 7 
years, beginning with the qonin yil, corresponding to the months of the year 
632/1 234- 1 235 ; 302 also of the strange and unusual occurrences recorded as 
happening during this period of 7 years, briefly and concisely related, if God so 

History of the emperors of Khitai and Machin 
who ruled during this period 

Lizun — — — 41 years, — — , the 7 preceding years, [and] 

7 years. 303 

258 Blank in all the mss. 

299 The chronogram, omitted from Blochet’s mss., runs as follows in Verkhovsky’s 
version : 

“ In the year khalat his phlegm (khilt) increased more than in [any] other year. 

Day and night it made [even] the ignorant aware of heavy drinking. 

[This] contributed in full measure to the destruction of his health. 

Let [people] be informed of this and of the help of wine [in bringing] this [about].” 

As Verkhovsky points out (p. 43, note 2), there is a play on words in the chronogram 
between khilt, “phlegm,” and khalat, that is, the year 639 in the abjad or alphabetical 

300 Actually 1235. 301 Actually 1241. 

302 Actually 1235. 303 The blanks are in all the mss. 



History of the caliphs, sultans, maliks, and atabegs 
who ruled during this period 

History of the caliphs. In Baghdad al-Mustansir bi’llah 304 was the 
‘Abbasid caliph. During this period he founded and completed the 
Mustansiriya College. 

History of the sultans. In Mosul there reigned Badr al-Dln Lu’lu’ 

_ __30S 

In Rum there reigned Sultan ‘Ala al-DIn . 306 

In Kirman there reigned Rukn al-Din Qutlugh-Sultan, the son of 
Baraq. 307 His history is as follows. During this period, in the year 
63 [ 2 ]/i 234 -i 235 , his father Baraq Hajib sent him to the Court of 
Qa’an. Whilst still en route, he received the news of his father’s death. 
When he reached his destination Qa’an, as was his royal wont, con- 
ferred all manner of favors upon him and, because he had hastened 
to pay him homage, gave him the title of qutlugh-sultan 308 and issued 
a yarl'igh 309 to the effect that he should be ruler of the countries of 
Kirman and that his brother, Qutb al-Din, who had been in charge of 
the affairs of the kingdom since his father’s death, should make haste 
to Court and wait in attendance. Upon Rukn al-Din’ s arrival in 
Kirman, Qutb al-Din set out for Court by way of Khabis. 310 When he 
arrived there, he was for a time in attendance on Mahmud Yalavach, 
whilst Rukn al-Din was busy as Sultan. 

History of the maliks and atabegs 

In Mazandaran . 3I1 

In Diyar Bakr — — — , 312 

In Syria — . 3I3 

In Egypt . 3I4 

304 1226-1242. Blank in the mss. 

305 1233-1259. Blank in the mss. 

306 That is, ‘Ala al-Din Kai-Qubad I ( 1 219-1236). 

307 On Rukn al-Din, the second of the Qutlugh-Khans of Kirman, see HWC, pp. 
pp. 479-82. 

308 That is,fortunate sultan, a variant of qutlugh-khan, the hereditary title of the dynasty. 

309 See Glossary. 

310 Now Shah-Dad, to the east of Kerman, on the edge of the Dasht-i Lut. 

311 Blank in the mss. 

312 Blank in the mss. 

313 Blank in all the mss. 314 Blank in the mss. 



In the Maghrib . 3IS 

In Fars there reigned Abu Bakr ibn Sa‘d, and during this period 


In Sistan J 17 

History of certain princes in the Qjpchaq Steppe 
and the emirs of Khurasan and other provinces 

History of the princes in the Qipchaq Steppe 318 In the autumn of the 
qulquna 119 yil, that is, the Year of the Rat, corresponding to the months 
of the year 637/1239-1240, 320 when Giiyuk Khan and Mongke Qa’an 
had, in accordance with the yarligh of Qa’an, returned from the Qip- 
chaq Steppe, the princes Batu and his brothers [together] with Qadan, 
Biiri, and Bochek took the field against the land of the Orus and the 
people of the Blackcaps, 321 and in 9 days [they] captured the great 
town of the Orus called Men-Kermen. 322 Then they proceeded in a 
hunting ring, tiimen by tiimen, against all the towns of Oledemiir, 323 
seizing the castles and lands that lay across their path. Together they 
laid siege to the town of fJch-Oghul-Uledemur 324 and took it in 3 days 

In the hiikeryil 325 Qa’an died, and in the middle of the spring month 
they crossed the *Qazaq-Taq 326 mountains in the direction of the 
Bular and the Bashghird. 327 

315 Blank in the mss. 

316 The second part of the phrase is not in Verkhovsky. 

317 Not in Verkhovsky. 

318 For an earlier translation of this chapter, see Minorsky 1952, pp. 227-28. 

319 Mo. qulughan-a, “rat.” 320 Actually 1240. 

321 The name given by the Russians to the Turks whom they established as frontier 
guards on the Middle Dnieper. See Minorsky 1952, p. 230. 

322 The Turkish name of Kiev. See Minorsky 1952, p. 230. 

323 That is, Vladimir, apparently as the name of a person. See above, p. 59, note 

324 Vladimir Volynsky. In Turkish, tick oghul means “three sons (children),” 
and Minorsky (1952, p. 230), sees in this epithet a reference to the two sons (Daniel 
and Vasilko) and daughter (Salome) of Roman of Galicia. 

325 1241. 

326 Following Pelliot’s suggestion ( Horde d’Or, p. 130, note 3), the Carpathians. See 
also Minorsky 1952, P-231. 

327 See above, p. 56, note 222. 



Orda, setting out on the right, passed through the land of the 

Ila’ut. 328 — 329 came against them with an army, but they defeated 

him. 330 

Qadan and Biiri took the field against the Sasan 331 people and de- 
feated that people after three battles. 

Bochek proceeded by way of the Qara-Ulagh, 332 crossing the moun- 
tains of those parts and defeating the Ulagh peoples. 333 From thence, 
through the forests and mountains of *Qazaq-Taq, 334 they reached the 
territory of Mishlav 335 and attacked the rebels who were standing in 
readiness there. 

The princes, proceeding by these five 336 routes, seized all the terri- 
tories of the Bashghird, Majar, 337 and Sas, 338 and put their king, Keler, 339 
to flight. They spent the summer on the Tisa 340 and Tanha rivers. 341 

Qadan now took the field with an army, captured the territories 
of the Taqut, 342 Arbaraq, 343 and Asraf 344 and pursued Keler, the king 

328 The Poles. See Horded’ Or, p. 1 59, 

329 BZRNDAM, perhaps a corruption of BWLZLAW, that is, Boleslaw. Prince 
Boleslaw of Sandomir attempted to halt the Mongols near Opole. See Minorsky 1952, 
p. 231. 

330 There occurs here in Verkhovsky’s text the following sentence: “Then Batu 
[made his way] toward ASTARYLAW and fought with the king of the Bashgh'irds, 
and the Mongol army defeated them.” 

331 The text has Sasan , the Persian, as the Sasut of SH (§§ 262 and 274) is the Mongol, 
plural of Sas, that is, the Hungarian szdsz “Saxon.” It is, of course, the Saxons of 
Transylvania that are meant. 

332 That is, Moldavia. See Horded’ Or, p. 153. 

333 That is, the Vlachs. See Horde d’ Or, p. 153. 

334 That is, the Carpathians. See above, p. 69, note 326. 

355 MYSLAW. Minorsky (1952, p. 231) follows Strakosch-Grassmann in assuming 
that Bochek’s route lay through Transylvania and sees in this name a possible corrup- 
tion of Szaszvar (Szaszvaros, Rumanian Orastie, German Broos), on the southern 
bend of the Maros. Macartney, on the other hand, basing his premise on Bret- 
schneider’s version of this passage (i, 329-30), identifies Mishlav with Mieczy- 
slaw, Duke of Opole, who was present at the Battle of Liegnitz. 

336 The Yuan shift too speaks of five routes followed by the invaders. See Bretschneider, 
»> 33 3 ' 

337 Both Bashghird and Majar, of course, refer here to the Hungarians. 

338 See above, note 33 1 . 339 See above, p. 57, note 225. 

34o TYSH : the Tisza. 341 TNHA : the Danube. 

342 TAQWT (Verkhovsky’s text). Blochet has MAQWT. Apparently a Mongol 
plural in -ut. Perhaps the Croatians are meant. 

343 ARBRf) (Verkhovsky). Blochet has AWYRQ. 

344 ASRAF (Verkhovsky). Blochet has SRAN. Perhaps the Serbs. 



of those countries, to the seacoast. When [Keler] embarked on a ship 

in the town of — , 34S which lies on the coast, and put to sea, 

Qadan turned back and after much fighting captured Qirqiin 346 
and Qila 347 in the town of the Ulaqut, 348 

The news of Qa’an’s death had not yet reached them. Then in the 
Year of the Leopard, 349 a number of Qipchaq had come to fight with 
Koten and Shingqur, 330 the son of Jochi. 351 They gave battle and the 
Qipchaq were defeated. In the autumn they returned again and passed 
into the region of Temiir-Qahalqa 352 and the mountains of those 
parts. They gave an army to Ila’udur 353 and dispatched him against 
them. He proceeded thither and defeated the Qipchaq, who had 
fled to that region. They subjugated the Urungqut and Badach 354 
and brought [back] their envoys. 

The whole of that year was passed in that region. In the beginning 
of the taulai y'il, that is, the Year of the Hare, corresponding to the 
months of the year 640/ 1242-1243, 355 having completed the task of 
conquering that country, they turned back. Traveling throughout the 
summer and winter, they reached their ulus is6 in the moghayil , that is, 
the Year of the Snake, corresponding to the months of the year 

345 Verkhovsky’s text has TLNKYN, Blochet’s MLYKYN. Minorsky (1952, 
p. 231) sees in the latter form a probable corruption of an original SPLYT, that is, 
Split. On the other hand, TLNKYN could be a corruption of TRWKYR, that is, 
Trogir, the Serbian name of Trav, where Bela did in fact embark his family in March, 
1242. See Strakosch-Grassmann, p. 168. 

346 QRQYN. 

347 QYYLH (Blochet), QYLH (Verkhovsky). Minorsky (1952, p. 231) regards these 
as the names of Turks captured in the town (chief town ?) of the Vlachs. 

348 That is, the Vlachs. See above, p. 70, note 333. 

345 1242. 

350 Minorsky (1952, p. 231) suggests that the text is out of order here and should 
be emended to read: “. . . a number of Koten’s Qipchaq had come to fight with 
Shinqur . . . .” Koten, if this is the same person, was a Qipchaq prince who had 
taken refuge in Hungary, where he had been lynched by the mob at the time of the 
Mongol invasion. His followers had then crossed the Danube into Bulgaria and may 
well have made their way into the Caucasus area. See Strakosch-Grassmann, pp. 
72 - 75 ' 

351 Shingqur was Jochi’s ninth son. See below, p. 1 14. 

352 Darband. See above, p. 61 , note 260. 


354 Neither name can be identified. These were presumably Qipchaq tribes. 

355 Actually 1243. 356 See Glossary. 



641/1243-1244, 357 and alighted in their own ordos. And God best knows 
the truth. 

History of the emirs of Khurasan 

When Chin-Temur died, a messenger was sent to the Court of 
Qa’an to report his death. A decree was issued that the Emir Nosal 
should succeed him in Khurasan and ‘Iraq. He was an aged Mongol 358 
more than one hundred years old. In accordance with that decree 
the emirs and the bitikchis 359 in the Divan transferred themselves from 
Chin-Temiir’s house to his, where they busied themselves with the 
affairs of the Divan. Sharaf al-Din Khwarazmi departed to wait on 
Batu, and Korgiiz, as usual, traveled to and fro. 

All at once, Baha al-Din had a dispute with Mahmud Shah of 
Sabzavar and set out for the Court of Qa’an, where he presented the 
case. A decree was issued that no decision could be reached in the 
absence of his adversaries; they must attend together so that an in- 
quiry might be made. When the malik Baha al-Din returned and 
communicated the decree, Nosal and Kiil-Bolat were not pleased 
that Korgiiz had been sent for. Nevertheless, he set out and returned 
having obtained the governorship for himself, and Nosal had to content 
himself with the command of the army until 637/1239-1240 [when] 
he died. 360 

Korgiiz now brought the bitikchis and agents [under his own roof] 
and busied himself with the work [of government]. He restored the 
affairs of Khurasan and Mazandaran to order, carried out a census, 
fixed the assessment of taxes, founded workshops in an excellent 
fashion, and created [conditions of] the most perfect justice and 
equity. However, Sharaf al-Din returned from Batu, and he and 
certain others, being deprived of authority by the presence of Korgiiz, 
prevailed upon Edgii-Temiir, the eldest son of Chi'n-Temiir, to seek 
his father’s office. He sent Tonquz to Qa’an to report how affairs 
were proceeding in Khurasan. Certain opponents of Chinqai, Qa’an’s 
vizier, found an opportunity to report Edgii-Temiir ’s words. The order 

357 There is some mistake here. 1 245 was the Year of the Snake. 

358 Actually a Kereit. See Horde d’Or, pp. 54-55. 

359 See Glossary. 

360 See HWC, pp. 488-89. 



was given that the Emir Arghun Aqa, Qurbagha, and Shams al-Din 
Kamargar should proceed thither and investigate these matters. 
When Korgiiz received news of this he set out for the Court of Qa’an. 
He came upon the messengers at Fanakat 361 and refused to turn back 
at their suggestion. Tonquz grappled with him and broke his teeth. 
In the night Korgiiz sent his bloodstained clothes to Qa’an by the 
hand of Temur and, of necessity, turned back. When he arrived in 
Khurasan, Kiil-Bolat, Edgii-Temiir, and Nosal gathered together 
and with clubs drove the bitikchis out of Korgiiz’s house and brought 
them to their own quarters, where they began the investigation. 
Korgiiz kept procrastinating until after 45 days [when] Temiir returned 
bringing a decree to the effect that all the emirs and maliks should 
present themselves [at Court] and that no inquiry should be conducted 
on the spot. Qa’an had been angry when he had been shown the blood- 
stained clothes, and he sent a message to Korgiiz saying that he was to 
present himself in accordance with the decree. [Korgiiz] at once 
mounted horse with a group of trustworthy persons, the most capable 
of the age. Kiil-Bolat and Edgii-Temiir also set out with a party of 
aiqaqs. m In Bukhara, Sain-Malik-Shah entertained them in his 
house. Kiil-Bolat went outside to pass water, and some Jida’is , 363 
who were following him, stabbed and killed him. When they reached 
the Court they first pitched the tent which Chin-Temiir had provided. 
Qa’an began to feast in it, and when he went outside to pass water a 
wind sprang up and blew down the tent injuring a concubine. Qa’an 
ordered the tent to be taken to pieces and distributed as plunder; and 
on this account Edgii-Temiir ’s cause was ruined. A week later they 
pitched the tent that Korgiiz had brought, and Qa’an made merry in 
it. Among the presents was a belt studded with jaundice stones. 364 
Out of curiosity he fastened it round his waist. A little discomfort 
which he had felt in that region from indigestion was dispelled. He 
took this as a good omen, and Korgiiz’s cause prospered. 

For a period of 3 months they continued to be examined and no 
decision was reached. In the end, Qa’an examined them himself 

361 Fanakat (or Banakat) lay on the right bank of the Sir Darya, near the mouth 
of the Angren (Ahangaran). 

352 See Glossary. 363 See Glossary. 

354 The icterias of Pliny. See HWC, p. 496, note 15. 



and Edgii-Temur and his followers were found guilty. He said: 
“Thou belongest to Batu. I will send thy case to him: he knows about 
thee.” But Chinqai, Qa’an’s vizier, said: “Qa’an is Batu’s superior. 
Who is this fellow that his case should require the consultation of 
princes? Qa’an knows what to do with him.” Qa’an pardoned him 
and having made peace between them sent them all back in the com- 
pany of Korguz, ordering them to be told: “It is the Great Yasa of 
Chingiz-Khan that a lying aiqaq be put to death. You ought all of 
you to be put to death, but since you have come a long way and your 
wives and children are awaiting you, I have spared your lives. Hence- 
forth do not engage in such action.” And he ordered Korguz to be 
told: “If thou continue [to bear a grudge against them] for their 
former crime, thou too wilt be at fault.” 

A decree was issued that Korguz should administer all the countries 
that Chormaghun had subjugated beyond the Oxus. He sent on 
bearers of these good tidings in advance into Khurasan, whilst he 
himself went to visit Tangqut, the brother of Batu. From thence he 
set out for Khurasan by way of Khwarazm and alighted at his own 
house in Jumada II, 637 [November-December, 1239]. Then, 
summoning the emirs and chief men, he had the edicts read out to 
them. He also dispatched his son to ‘Iraq, Arran, and Adharbaijan, 
where, after much disputation with the emirs of Chormaghun, he 
took control of those countries in accordance with the decree and 
fixed the taxes. 

Korguz chose Tus 365 as his place of residence and began to con- 
struct buildings there. He arrested and imprisoned Sharaf al-Dln 
and conferred the office of vizier upon Asll al-Dln Rughadi. Sending 
Temur to Qa’an to report his action against Sharaf al-Dxn, he himself 
followed in person. On his way back he had an argument over money 
with one of Chaghatai’s emirs, called Kiije’iir, 366 somewhere in 
Transoxiana. The emir said: “What if I report thee?” And Korguz 
replied: “To whom wilt thou report me?” Chaghatai had recently 
died. The emir wept before Chaghatai’s wife and said: “Korguz 
said this.” The princess sent to Qa’an saying: “Because Chaghatai is 

365 The ruins of Tus lie a few miles to the north of Meshed. 

366 Elsewhere (Khetagurov, p. 142) Rashid al-Din calls him Sartaq-Kiije’ur 
and says that he was a page ( ev-oghlan ) of Oghul-Ghaimish. 



dead a qarachu 367 like Korgiiz has spoken such big words.” Qa’an 
gave orders that he was to be arrested and his mouth filled with earth 
until he died. [Korgiiz] had in the meantime returned to Khurasan. 
The messengers of that princess brought to the son of Kiil-Bolat a 
yarligh commanding him to seize Korgiiz and hand him over to them. 
Korgiiz fled and entered the castle of Tus. After 3 days’ fighting he was 
taken out, dragged off in chains and delivered up to them. They took 
him away and put him to death by thrusting earth into his mouth. 368 
Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds! 

History of the strange and unusual occurrences 
that happened during this period — ~ 369 

367 That is, “man of the people,” “commoner.” 

368 The whole section on Korgiiz, with the exception of the detailed account of his 
quarrel with Kiije’ur, is abridged from Juvaini ( HWC , pp. 493-505). 

369 Blank in all the mss. 





His praiseworthy character and morals; 
the excellent biligs, parables , and pronouncements 
which he uttered and promulgated ; 
and such events and happenings as occurred during his reign 
but have not been included in the two previous parts , 
the information having been acquired 
on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons 

Qa’an was imbued with the fairest of dispositions and the noblest of 
qualities and customs. He was always exercising the utmost generosity 
and liberality toward all classes of men. The love of justice and bounty 
had gained such mastery over his nature that not for the twinkling of 
an eye would he neglect the spreading of equity and the diffusion of 
beneficence. Sometimes the pillars of state and the great men of the 
Court would object to his excessive generosity and he would say: 
“It is known of a certainty to all mankind that the world is faithful 
to none and that wisdom requires a man to keep himself alive by the 
perpetuation of a good name. 

Lasting fame has been called a second life : this treasure is enough for thee like 
good works that abide .” 3 ' 10 

And whenever the customs and usages of the sultans and kings of 
olden times were mentioned and reference was made to their treasures, 
he would say: “ Those who strove after these things were devoid of their 
share of intellect, for no difference can be imagined between buried 
treasure and dust, both being of equal advantage. Since it will be 
impossible to return from that other world, we shall lay down our 
treasure in the corners of men’s hearts, and whatever is ready and 

370 Cf. Koran, xix, 79 : “And good works which abide are in the Lord's sight better in 
respect of guerdon, and better in the issue than all worldly good.” 



present or may come to hand we shall give it all to our subjects and 
to petitioners so that we may store up a good name.” 

To confirm these statements that have been made in brief regarding 
his deeds and words, a few anecdotes will be recounted in detail, 
being one out of a thousand and little out of much . 371 

[i] It is th eyasa and yosun * 72 of the Mongols that in spring and sum- 
mer no one may sit in water by day, nor wash his hands in a stream, 
nor draw water in gold and silver vessels, nor lay out washed garments 
upon the plain; it being their belief that such actions increase the 
thunder and lightning, which they greatly dread and shun. One day 
Qa’an had been hunting with Chaghatai, and as they were returning 
they beheld a Muslim sitting in midstream washing himself. Chaghatai, 
who was extremely precise in the enforcement of the yasa, wished to 
put the man to death. But Qa’an said: “Today it is late and we are 
tired. Let him be held in custody tonight, and tomorrow he can be 
tried and punished.” He handed the man over to Danishmand 
Hajib, telling him in secret to have a silver bdlish thrown in the water 
where the man had been washing and to have him instructed to say, 
at the time of the trial, that he was a poor man, that all the capital 
he possessed had fallen into the water, and that he had plunged in in 
order to pull it out. On the next day, at the time of the examination, 
the man had recourse to this excuse, and some persons were sent to the 
place and found the bdlish in the water. Then Qa’an said: “Who 
would dare to contravene the Great Yasa? But this poor man, be- 
cause of his great distress and helplessness, has sacrificed himself for 
this wretched amount.” He pardoned him and commanded that 
he should be given io more bdlish from the treasure; and a written 
statement was taken from him that he would not commit a similar 
action again. On this account the freemen of the world became the 
slaves of his nature, which is better than much treasure. Praise be to 
God , Lord of the worlds! 

[ii] When they first rose to power they made a yasa that no one 
should cut the throats of sheep and other animals slaughtered for food 

371 The above is abridged from Juvaini ( HWC , pp. 201-204). The anecdotes that 
follow are also reproduced from Juvaini, for the most part in a somewhat abridged 
form. Four however (nos. [xxiv], [xxvi], [xxxiv], and [xliv] in HWC) are omitted. 

372 See Glossary. 



but should slit open their breasts or shoulders after their own fashion. 
A Muslim bought a sheep in the market, took it home, closed the 
doors securely, and slaughtered it inside after the Muslim fashion. 
A Qipchaq had seen him in the market and had followed watching 
him. He climbed on to the roof, and when the Muslim drew the knife 
across the sheep’s throat he leapt down, bound him, and dragged him 
off to the Court of Qa’an. Qa’an sent out officials to investigate the 
matter. When they reported the circumstances of the case, he said: 
“This poor man has observed th eyasa and this Turk has infringed it, 
for he climbed on to the roof of his house.” The Muslim was saved and 
the Qipchaq was put to death. 

[iii] From Khitai there had come some players, and they displayed 
from behind a curtain wonderful Khitayan plays. 373 One of these 
consisted of a kind of picture of every people, among which they 
showed an old man with a white beard and a turban wound round 
his head being dragged along bound to the tail of a horse. Qa’an 
asked who this was meant to portray. They replied that it represented 
a rebellious Muslim because the soldiers dragged them out of the 
towns in this manner. Qa’an ordered the show to be stopped and 
[commanded his attendants] to fetch from the treasury precious 
clothes and jewel-studded objects such as are brought from Baghdad 
and Bukhara, Arab horses, and other valuable things such as jewels, 
gold, silver, etc., which are found in these parts. They produced Khita- 
yan wares also and laid them side by side. The difference was enormous. 
Qa’an said: “The poorest Tazlk Muslim has several Khitayan slaves 
standing before him, while not one of the great emirs of Khitai has a 
single Muslim captive. And the reason for this can only be the wisdom 
of God, Who knows the rank and station of all the peoples of the world ; 
it is also in conformity with the auspicious yasa of Chingiz-Khan, 
for he made the blood money for a Muslim 40 balish and that for a 
Khitayan a donkey. In view of such clear proofs and testimonies how 
can you make a laughing stock of the people of Islam? You ought to 
be punished for your action, but this time I will spare your lives. 
Depart from my presence and do not commit such actions again.” 

373 Otto Spies, Tiirkisches Puppentheater (Emsdetten, 1959), p. 29, takes this as a 
reference to puppet plays. See also his review of HWC in Die Welt des Islams, N.S., 
Vol. VI, 1-2, pp. 152-53. 



[iv] One of the rulers of Persia 374 sent a messenger to Qa’an and 
accepted allegiance, sending among other gifts a polished ruby which 
he had inherited from his forefathers. The blessed name of the Prophet 
had been engraved at the top and the names of the sender’s ancestors 
beneath. He ordered the jewelers to leave the name of the Prophet 
for luck’s sake but to erase the other names and engrave his own 
name beneath that of the Prophet. And then he sent it back. 

[v] An Arabic-speaking apostate from Islam came to Qa’an and, 
kneeling, said: “I saw Chingiz-Khan in a dream and he said: ‘Tell 
my son to kill many of the Muslims, for they are exceedingly evil 
people.’” After reflecting for a moment Qa’an asked whether he had 
spoken to him through an interpreter or personally with his own 
tongue. “With his own tongue” said the man. “Dost thou know the 
Mongol language” asked Qa’an. “No”, said the man. “There is no 
doubt,” said Qa’an, “that thou art lying. I know for certain that 
Chingiz-Khan knew no language but Mongol.” And he ordered the 
man to be put to death . 375 

[vi] There was a poor man who was unable to earn a living and had 
learnt no trade. He sharpened pieces of iron into the shape of awls 
and mounted them on pieces of wood. He then sat waiting where Qa’an 
would pass. His auspicious glance fell upon him from afar and he 
sent someone to inquire into his circumstances. The poor man told 
him that he was of feeble condition and small property and had a 
large family; and he had brought these awls for Qa’an. He gave the 
awls to that emir, who told Qa’an about him but did not show him the 
awls because they were so ill-made. Qa’an said; “Bring me what he 
has brought.” And taking those awls into his auspicious hand he 
said: “Even this kind will serve for herdsmen to mend the seams in 
their kumys skins with.” And for each awl, which was not worth a 
barley-corn, he bestowed a balish. 

[vii] A very old and feeble man came to Qa’an and asked for 200 
gold balish to form a company with him. He ordered them to give that 
amount to him. His courtiers said: “The day of this man’s life has 
reached its evening, and he has no dwelling, children, or kin, and no 

374 “A certain ruler from . . .” ( HWC , p. 207). One ms. of JuvainI has: “Someone 
sent a messenger to him who was son of the king [ padshah ] of Badakhshan . . . .” 

375 This story occurs further on in Juvaini (No. [xl] in HWC). 



one is acquainted with his circumstances.” He replied: “All his life 
he has cherished this wish and sought such an opportunity. To send 
him from our Court disappointed would be remote from magnanimity 
and unworthy of the royalty which God Almighty has bestowed upon 
us. Give him what he has asked for quickly. He must not meet his 
destiny without having .achieved his wish.” In accordance with his 
command they delivered the balish to him. He had not received them 
all when he yielded up his soul to God. 

[viii] A person asked to be given 500 gold balish from the treasury by 
way of capital so that he might engage in trade. Qa’an ordered the 
amount to be given. His attendants pointed out that this was a man of 
no standing, with no money and owing debts to that amount. He 
ordered them to give him 1,000 balish , so that he might pay half to 
his creditors and use the other half as capital. 

[ix] A document was found which told that in such-and-such a place 
near those parts, where their yurts were, was a treasure that had been 
laid up by Afrasiyab. 376 And it was written in the document that all 
the beasts of burden in that region could not raise up that treasure. 
But Qa’an said: “What need have we of the treasure of others? 
Whatever we have we dispense it all to the servants of God and our 

[x] An ortaq 377 came to him and took 100 gold balish from the treasury 
by way of capital. He returned after awhile and offered some un- 
acceptable excuse for the loss of those balish. Qa’an ordered him to be 
given another 500 balish. He took them and returned a year later 
still poorer and offering some other excuse. Qa’an ordered him to be 
given the same amount again. He returned and offered some excuse. 
The bitikchis were afraid to communicate his words. In the end they 
said: “Such-and-such a person wastes and devours the money in the 
towns.” “How,” asked Qa’an, “can one devour balish ?” They replied 
that he gave them to worthless persons and spent them on food and 
drink. “Since the balish themselves are still there,” said Qa’an, “and 
since those who take them are also our subjects, the money remains 
in our hands. Give the same as you gave him the other times and tell 
him not to be extravagant.” 

376 See above, p. 63, note 274. 377 See Glossary. 



[xi] The people of *Tayanfu, 378 one of the towns of Khitai, presented 
a petition saying, “We owe a debt of 8,000 balish, which will be the 
cause of our undoing, for our creditors are demanding payment. If an 
order is given for our creditors to be easy with us, we shall gradually 
pay them off and shall not be utterly ruined.” Qa’an said: “To force 
the creditors to be easy with them will cause them to suffer loss and to 
do nothing will cause these people distress. It will be better to pay 
the amount out of the treasury.” He commanded a herald to proclaim 
that the creditors should produce documentary proof so that they 
might present themselves and receive cash from the treasury. And 
there were many who pretended to be debtor and creditor and ob- 
tained balish by fraud; and so they received the double of what they 
had mentioned. 

[xii] On his hunting-ground, someone brought him three melons. 
Having neither gold nor garments available he told Mdge Khatun 379 
to give the man two pearls which she had in her ears. They said: 
“This poor man does not know the value of these pearls. Let him 
present himself tomorrow and receive whatever is commanded in the 
way of gold and clothing.” “The poor fellow cannot bear to wait,” 
said Qa’an “and the pearls will come back to us.” At his command she 
gave the pearls to him, and the poor man went away rejoicing and 
sold them for a small sum. The buyer said to himself: “Such fine 
jewels are fit for kings,” and the next day he brought them as a present 
to Qa’an. Qa’an declared: “I said that they would come back to us 
and that the poor man would not be disappointed.” He gave them back 
to Moge Khatun and distinguished the bearer with all kinds of favors. 

[xiii] A stranger brought a pair of arrows and knelt down. They 
inquired into his circumstances and he said: “My trade is that of an 
arrowsmith and I have a debt of 70 balish. If it is commanded that I 
be paid this amount from the treasury I will deliver ten thousand 
arrows every year.” Said Qa’an: “The poor fellow’s affairs must 
be entirely distraught for him to accept these balish for so many arrows. 
Give him 100 balish in cash so that he can mend his affairs.” The 
balish were delivered immediately, but he was unable to carry them. 

378 See HWC, p. 210, note 20; also below, Section 3, p. 146, note 30. 

379 Ogedei’s favorite wife. See HWC, p.211, note 2 1 . 



Qa’an laughed and commanded him to be given a yoke of oxen and a 
wagon also. He loaded the balish on the wagon and went his way. 

[xiv] At the time when he had laid the foundations of Qara-Qorum, 
he one day entered the treasury, where he saw nearly 2 tiimens of 
balish. “What profit,” he said, “do we derive from storing all this, for 
it has to be constantly guarded? Proclaim that whoever wants some 
balish should come and take them.” The people of the town, noble and 
base, rich and poor, set out for the treasury, and everyone received 
his full share. 

[xvj There had been no agriculture in the neighborhood of Qara- 
Qorum on account of the excessive cold, but a beginning was made 
during Qa’an’s reign. A certain person planted radishes and a few 
of them grew. He brought them to Qa’an, who ordered them to be 
counted with their leaves. The number came to a hundred, and he 
ordered the man to be given too balish. 

If heart and hand are sea and mine, it is the heart and hand of the king. 380 

[xvi] A certain person planted a number of willow and almond 
trees near the pavilion, which he had built 2 parasangs from Qara- 
Qorum, and to which he had given the name of Tuzghu-Bal'iq. 381 
No trees will grow in that region because of the violent cold, but it so 
happened that these ones put out leaves. He ordered the man to be 
given a gold balish for every tree. 

[xvii] When the fame of his bounty and beneficence had been 
spread throughout the world, merchants made their way to his court 
from every side. He would command their wares to be bought, whether 
they were good or bad, and the full price paid. And it usually hap- 
pened that he would give them away without having looked at them. 
They for their part would make their calculations [by] fixing the 
price of one item at that of ten. All the merchants, when they realized 
what happened, would leave their goods unopened and withdraw 
for 2 or 3 days, until he had disposed of them all. Then they would 
return and state whatever price they liked; and it was his command 
that whatever it amounted to an additional 10 percent should be 

380 The opening line of a famous qasida by Anvari, in praise of Sultan Sanjar. 

381 See above, p. 64 and note 284. 



paid. One day the officers of the Court represented to him that it was 
unnecessary to add this io percent seeing that the price of the goods 
was already in excess of their real value. “The dealings of the mer- 
chants with the treasure,” said Qa’an, “are for the sake of increasing 
their profit. And indeed they have expenses to pay to you bitikchis. 
It is their debt to you that I am discharging, lest they depart from our 
presence having suffered a loss.” 

[xviii] Some people from India brought him two tusks of ivory. He 
asked what they wanted and was told “500 balish .” Without the slight- 
est hesitation he ordered them to be given this amount. The officers 
of the Court made a great outcry, asking how he could give so large a 
sum for so contemptible a matter, when these people had come from 
an enemy country. “No one,” he replied, “is an enemy of mine. 
Give them the money and let them go.” 

[xix] Someone, at a time when he was drunk, brought him a cap 
of the kind worn in Persia. He ordered a draft to be written for 200 
balish. [The secretaries] delayed [affixing] the al-tamgha , 382 thinking 
he had made such an order on account of his drunken state. The next 
day his glance fell upon that person. The secretaries laid [the draft] 
before him, and he ordered the man to be paid 300 balish. They held 
up the matter again for the same reason; and every day he increased 
the amount until it came to 600 balish. Then, summoning the emirs 
and bitikchis, he asked them whether there was anything in the world 
that would endure forever. They replied with one voice that there was 
not. Then, addressing himself to the Minister Yalavach he said: “That 
is wrong, for good repute and fair fame will endure forever.” To the 
bitikchis he said: “You are my real enemies, for you do not wish fair 
fame and a good name to remain as a memorial to me. You think that 
I give presents because I am drunk, and so you delay payment and 
hold up what is due. Until one or two of you have been punished for 
[these] deeds as a warning to the rest, no good will come of you.” 

[xx] At the time when Shiraz had not yet submitted, a person came 
from that place and kneeling said : “ I am a man with a family and have 
a debt of 500 balish. I have come fVom Shiraz because of the fame of 
thy generosity, O Emperor.” Qa’an ordered him to be given 1,000 
balish. The officials hesitated, saying: “To add to what he asked for is 

382 See Glossary. 



nought but extravagance.” He answered: “Because of our fame he has 
traversed many mountains and plains and experienced heat and cold. 
What he has asked for will not cover his debt and his expenses. Unless 
it is added to, it will be as though he returned disappointed. That can- 
not be considered right. Pay him the amount I told you in full so that 
he may return home rejoicing.” 

[xxi] A poor man came to the Court of Qa’an with ten thongs tied 
to a stick. Opening his mouth in prayer [for Qa’an] he said : “ I had a 
kid. I made its flesh the sustenance of my family, and out of its hide 
I fashioned thongs for men-at-arms, which I have brought with me.” 
Qa’an took the thongs and holding them in his august hand he said: 
“The poor fellow has brought us what is the best part of the goat .” 383 
And he ordered him to be given ioo balish and one thousand head of 
sheep, and he added that when this was consumed he should come 
again and he would give him more. 

[xxii] It was Qa’an’s custom to pass the three winter months in 
hunting, and during the remaining nine months of the year he would 
sit every day, after he had finished his meal, on a chair outside his 
Court, where every kind of merchandise that is to be found in the world 
was heaped up in piles. These wares he used to give away to all classes 
of Mongols and Muslims, and it would often happen that he would 
command persons of great size to take as many of the wares they 
wanted as they could lift up. One day a person of this description 
picked up a whole pile of garments. As he went away one of them fell 
down. He came back to pick it up. “How,” said Qa’an, “can a man 
have the trouble of a journey for a single garment? ” And he command- 
ed him once again to take as much as he could carry. 

[xxiii] A man brought him two hundred whip handles made of the 
wood of the red willow, which they burn in those parts as firewood. 
He ordered him to be given 200 balish. 

[xxiv] A man brought him two hundred arrow-heads. He gave 
him the like number of balish . 384 

[xxv] He was passing through the market of Qara-Qorum, when he 
caught sight of a shop full of jujubes. He felt a craving for this fruit 

383 Not “what is better than goats” [HWC, p. 216). 

384 This anecdote seems to correspond with No. [xxi] in HWC, p. 216, in which a 
hundred bone arrowheads are paid for with the same amount of balish. 



and upon alighting ordered Danishmand Hajib to buy jujubes from 
that shop with a balish. [Hajib] went and brought a dish of jujubes, 
having paid a quarter of the balish , which was double the price. 
When he brought them, Qa’an said: “One balish is a very small 
price for so many jujubes.” Danishmand Hajib produced the rest of the 
balish and said: “What I paid was more than ten times the price.” 
Qa’an upbraided him and said: “When in all his life has he had a 
customer like us ? ” And he commanded the man to be given the whole 
of the balish and ten balish more. 

[xxvi] He gave a poor man ioo balish. The officials said: “Surely 
Qa’an must think that ioo balish are ioo dirhems.” They scattered this 
quantity where he would pass by. He asked: “What is this?” They 
replied that it was the balish that were to be given to the poor man. 
“ It is a miserably small amount,” he said. “Give him twice as much.” 
[xxvii] A certain person had made a deal for ioo balish with his 
emirs and treasurers. He gave orders for the balish to be paid him in 
cash. The next day a poor man was standing at the door of Qarshi. 385 
Thinking that this person was the merchant he asked: “Why have you 
not yet paid him his due?” At once ioo balish were brought to the 
poor man and he was told: “This is the price of your goods.” “I 
have sold no goods,” said the poor man. The attendants returned and 
reported that this was not the man. “Since you have taken the balish 
out of the treasury,” said Qa’an, “you cannot take them back again. 
It is this man’s good fortune. Give it all to him.” 

[xxviii] One day he saw an Indian woman with a child on her 
back. He ordered her to be given 5 balish. The official kept back one 
balish and gave her only four. She pleaded with him and Qa’an asked, 
“What was the woman saying?” He was told that she was a woman 
with a family and was uttering a prayer. “She has a family?” asked 
Qa’an. “Yes,” they said. He went into the treasury, called the woman 
and told her to take as many garments of every kind as she could lift. 
She took as many nasij 386 garments as might be the capital of a wealthy 

[xxix] One day a falconer brought a falcon, of which he said that it 
was sick and that its medicine was the flesh of fowls. Qa’an ordered 
him to be given a balish to buy some fowls with. The treasurer gave 
385 See above, p. 62 . 386 See Glossary. 



the balish to a banker and had the man credited with the price of 
several fowls. Qa’an asked the treasurer about the falconer and he 
told him about his own efficiency. Qa’an was angry and said : “I 
have placed in thy hands all the wealth of the world, such as cannot 
be calculated, and it is not enough for thee. That falconer did not 
want a fowl, he used that as an excuse to seek something for himself. 
Everyone that comes to us — the ortaqs who say that they will take 
balish in order to give interest, those who bring merchandise, and those 
people of every kind that make their way to this Court— I know that 
they have each of them fashioned a net in order to get something. 
But I wish everyone to have comfort from us and receive his share of 
our fortune.” And he commanded that several balish should be given 
to the falconer. 

[xxx] There was a bowmaker who made exceedingly bad bows. 
He was so well known in Qara-Qorum that no one would buy his 
wares. One day he bound twenty bows at the end of a stick, brought 
them to the gate and took his stand there. When Qa’an came out he 
caught sight of him and sent someone to inquire into his circumstances. 
“I am,” he said, “that bowmaker whose bows no one will buy, and I 
have become exceedingly poor. I have brought these twenty bows to 
present to Qa’an.” He ordered his attendants to take the bows from 
him and give him 20 gold balish. 

[xxxi] A valuable jeweled belt of elegant design was brought to 
Qa’an as a present. He bound it round his waist, and a stud became 
loose at one end. It was given to a goldsmith to have the stud fastened. 
The goldsmith sold the belt and whenever they came to claim it 
offered some different excuse. In the end he was arrested and confessed 
that he had got rid of it. He was bound and taken to Court, where the 
case was explained to Qa’an. “Although he has committed a great 
crime,” said Qa’an, “yet his resorting to such an action is proof of 
the utmost impotence and constraint. Give him 150 balish so that he 
may mend his affairs and not presume to do the like again.” 

[xxxii] Someone brought him an Aleppo goblet. His attendants 
took it and showed it to him without admitting the bearer. “He that 
brought this,” said Qa’an, “has endured hardships in order to bring 
so fine a jewel hither. Give him 200 balish .” The bearer of the goblet 



was seated at the gate wondering whether his message had been 
delivered. Suddenly the glad tidings were brought to him, and at 
once the balish were handed over to him also. The same day there was 
talk about Abyssinian eunuchs and Qa’an said, “Ask this person 
whether he can obtain eunuchs.” “That is my profession,” said the 
man. He ordered him to be given another 200 balish and a yarligh 
for the journey. The man never returned. 

[xxxiiij There was a person in Qara-Qorum who was in extremely 
distressed circumstances. He made a cup out of the horn of a mountain 
goat and sat down upon the highway. When Qa’an arrived, he stood 
up and held out the cup. Qa’an took it and ordered him to be given 
50 balish. One of his secretaries repeated the number of the balish , 
and Qa’an said: “How long must I tell you not to deny my bounty 
and begrudge petitioners my property? Though it goes against your 
will, give him 100 balish.” 

[xxxiv] A Muslim had borrowed 4 silver balish from an Uighur 
emir and was unable to pay the money back. They seized him and took 
him to task, insisting that either he should abandon the pure faith of 
Muhammad and, girding the zunnar, embrace idolatry or else be 
paraded naked through the market and receive a hundred blows of the 
bastinado. He asked for 3 days’ grace, went to the audience-hall of 
Qa’an and told of his plight. Qa’an ordered his creditors to be sent 
for and found them guilty of coercing the Muslim. He gave the Muslim 
the Uighur’s house and wife 387 and ordered the Uighur to receive 
a hundred blows of the bastinado naked in the market-place, while 
he presented the Muslim with 100 balish. 

[xxxv] An ‘Alid from Chargh near Bukhara, who was called the 
‘Alid of Chargh, had received some balish from the treasury for a 
commercial enterprise. When the time came to make a payment he 
said that he had already handed over the interest. They asked for 
the receipt. He said that he had given the money to Qa’an in person. 
He was brought into the audience hall, and Qa’an said: “I do not 
know thee. Where, in whose presence, and when didst thou hand it 
over?” “Thou wert alone,” he said. Qa’an reflected for awhile and then 
said: “It is clear and certain [that he is lying], but if he is called to 
387 Not “an Uighur wife and house” as in HWC, p. 223. 



account, people will say that Qa’an has gone back on his word and 
called the man to account.” He went on: “Let him be, but do not 
purchase any of the wares which he has brought to the treasury to 
dispose of.” A number of merchants had come that day : their wares 
were purchased and Qa’an gave each of them a greater sum than the 
actual price. Suddenly he said: “Where is that saiyid ?” They brought 
him in and he said : “ Is thy heart sore because they will not buy thy 
goods?” The ‘Alid began to weep and lament. “What is the price of 
thy goods?” asked Qa’an. “30 balish ,” he replied. Qa’an ordered him 
to be given 100 balish. 

[xxxvi] One day a kinswoman of Qa’an came in and gazed at the 
clothes, pearls, and jewel-studded ornaments of his ladies. He ordered 
Yalavach to bring in the pearls that were held in readiness. He pro- 
duced twelve trays of pearls which had been purchased for 80,000 
dinars. Qa’an ordered them to be poured into her sleeves and lap 
and said: “Now that thou art sated with pearls, how many glances 
wilt thou cast at others ? ” 

[xxxvii] Someone brought him a pomegranate as a present. He 
commanded the seeds to be counted and distributed among those 
present. And for each seed he gave the man a balish. 

[xxxviii] A Muslim from the Tangqut region, from a place called 
Qara-Tash, 388 brought a wagon-load of victuals and sought permission 
to return to his own country. Qa’an granted permission and gave him 
a gold balish. 

[xxxix] On the day of a feast, when all the turqaqs }Sg were buying 
drink, someone stole a gold cup from the ordo. Though an inquiry was 
made it could not be found, and Qa’an caused a proclamation to be 
made that whoever picked it up and brought it in would have his life 
spared and would be granted whatever he asked for. The next day the 
thief brought back the cup. He was asked why he had committed this 
impudent act, and he replied: “In order that it might be a warning 
to the World-Emperor Qa’an not to trust the turqaqs .” “I have spared 
his life,” said Qa’an “and in any case cannot put a fellow like this to 
death. Otherwise I should have ordered his breast to be cut open to 
see what sort of heart and liver he had.” He gave him 500 balish and 

388 According to Mustaufi (p. 250), Eriqaya and Qara-Tash were “the best- 
known towns” in the Tangut country. 389 See Glossary. 



many horses and garments, made him the commander of several 
thousand soldiers, and sent him to Khitai. 

[xl] One year when the crops were growing, hail fell and destroyed 
them. Because of the fear of a dearth, a maund could not be obtained 
for a dinar in Qara-Qorum. He ordered a proclamation to be made 
that whoever had sown corn should not give way to anxiety, because 
whatever might be lost would be made good from the treasury. They 
should water their fields again, and if there was no harvest, they would 
receive the full equivalent from the granaries. They acted accordingly, 
and that year such a harvest was reaped as had no ending. 

[xli] He was very fond of watching wrestling and at first [his 
wrestlers] were Mongols, Qipchaq and Khitayans. Afterward he was 
told of the wrestlers of Khurasan and ‘Iraq, and he sent a messenger 
to Chormaghun and ordered him to send him such wrestlers. From 
Hamadan he dispatched, with relay horses and forage, the pahlavans 
Fila and Muhammad Shah with thirty [other] wrestlers. When 
they came to Qa’an he was extremely pleased with Fila’s appearance 
and size and the symmetry of his limbs. The Emir Elchidei of the 
Jalayir tribe was present and said: “A pity that relay horses, forage, 
and other expenses were wasted on these.” “Bring thy own wrestlers,” 
said Qa’an “to wrestle with them. If they win I will give thee 500 
balish. If they are beaten give me five hundred horses.” So it was 
agreed. 390 Qa’an sent by night for Fila, gave him a cup and spoke to 
him kindly. Fila laid his head on the ground and said: “My hope, 
based on the fortune of the World-Bestowing Emperor, is that fate 
in this matter will be in accordance with his desire.” Elchidei for his 
part brought from his tUmen a man called Orghana Boke. They present- 
ed themselves in the morning. Elchidei said: “It is a condition that 
they lay hold of each other by the leg.” The fight began. Orghana 
threw Fila on all fours. Fila said: “Hold me with all the strength and 
force that thou hast and do not let go.” Then he made a play, turned 
Orghana Boke round and round like a wheel, and struck him on the 
ground with [so] much force that the sound of his bones could be 
heard far and near. Qa’an leapt up like a lion and said to Fila: “Hold 
thy opponent well.” And to Elchidei he said: “What now? Was he 

390 The account of the bout with Elchidei’s champion is absent from Juvaini’s 
version ([xli], pp. 227—28, in HWC). 



worth the relay horses and forage?” And he forced him to produce the 
five hundred horses. To Fila he gave, apart from presents and gratuities, 
500 balish, and to Muhammad Shah also he gave 500 balish, while 
to each of their ndkers he gave 100 balish. Then he said to Muhammad 
Shah: “Wilt thou wrestle with Fila?” “I will,” said Muhammad 
Shah. “You are fellow-townsmen and kinfolk,” said Qa’an. 

After some time he gave Fila a moon-faced maiden. In accordance 
with his custom and in order to conserve his strength he did not lay 
hands on her but avoided her company. One day the girl came to the 
ordo, and Qa’an asked her in jest: “How hast thou found the Tazik? 
Hast thou received thy full share of pleasure from him?” For it is a 
standing joke with the Mongols to credit the Taziks with great sexual 
powers. “I have had no taste of it so far,” said the girl, “for we live 
apart.” Qa’an sent to Fila and questioned him about this state of 
affairs. “ I have become famous as a wrestler in the Emperor’s service,” 
said Fila, “and no one has vanquished me. If I do this my strength 
will wane, and I must not lose my rank in Qa’an’s service.” “My 
intention is,” said Qa’an, “that thou shouldst have children. From 
now on I exempt thee from the competition of wrestling.” 

[xlii] In the country of Rum there was a person in embarrassed 
circumstances who earned his bread by buffoonery. At that time, the 
fame of Qa’an’s bounty and beneficence had spread to all parts, and 
that person conceived the desire to visit his Court, but he had neither 
traveling provisions nor a mount. His friends contributed together and 
bought him a donkey on which he set forth. Three years later he 
returned. Seeing one of his friends in the market place, he dismounted, 
greeted him, and carried him off to his house, where he brought him 
all kinds of elaborate food and drink in gold and silver vessels and 
dishes, whilst Khitayan slaves stood before him and many horses and 
camels were tethered in his stable. All the time he was busy question- 
ing his friend, who did not recognize him. After 3 days had passed the 
friend asked him [who he was], and he replied: “I am that buffoon 
that went on his travels with a single donkey.” His friends asked what 
had happened and he recounted as follows: “I went a-begging on 
that same donkey to the Court of Qa’an. I had a little dried fruit with 
me, and I sat down on a hilltop in a place that he would pass by. His 
august glance fell upon me from afar and he sent someone to inquire 



into my circumstances. I told how I had come from Rum because of 
the fame of Qa’an’s bounty and liberality and had set my foot on the 
road with a hundred thousand privations in order that his fortune- 
bestowing glance might fall upon me and my horoscope might become 
auspicious. They held the tray up to him and told him what I had 
said. He dropped some of the fruit into a suluq . 391 Then, perceiving that 
his ministers inwardly objected to his action, he said to them: ‘This 
man has come a long way. In traveling hither he has passed through 
many sacred shrines and holy places and has waited upon many 
great men. To seek a blessing from the breathings of such a person is a 
profitable action. I took the fruit in order to give some to my children. 
Share some among yourselves also.’ With that he urged his horse on. 
When he dismounted in the ordo, he asked Danishmand Hajib where 
the poor man was lodging. He replied that he did not know. ‘What 
sort of a Muslim art thou ? ’ said Qa’an. ‘A poor man comes to us from 
a great distance and thou art negligent of his weal and woe, his lodging, 
eating, and drinking. Seek him out in person, place him in good lodg- 
ings, and attend to him in every way.’ I had halted in the great mar- 
ket. He sent people running right and left inquiring about me until 
one of them came upon me and carried me off to his house. The next 
day, when Qa’an had mounted horse, he saw several wagon-loads 
of balish being taken into the treasury, the number of balish being 700. 
He said to Danishmand Hajib: ‘Call that person.’ When I appeared 
he gave me all those balish and encouraged me with other promises. 
And so my affairs of poverty entered the broad plain of prosperity.” 392 

[xliii] A man came from Baghdad and sat down in the roadway. 
When Qa’an came along he inquired into his circumstances. “I am 
old and feeble and poor,” said the man, “and I have ten daughters, 
and because of my extreme poverty I cannot find husbands for them.” 
“Why does not the Caliph give thee something,” asked Qa’an, “and 
help thee to find husbands for thy daughters?” “Whenever I ask the 
Caliph for alms,” said the man, “ he gives me 10 gold dinars, and that is 
not sufficient for a week.” He ordered him to be given 1,000 silver 
balish. “How shall I carry all these balish ?” asked the man. Qa’an 

391 A Turkish word meaning “vessel for holding water.” 

392 Juvaini tells this story (No. [xlvi], pp. 228-31 in HWC) on the authority of a friend 
and sets it in the reign of ‘Ala al-DIn Kai-Qubad I (1219-1236). 



ordered him to be supplied with relay horses and other facilities for 
transport. The old man said: “Many friendly and unfriendly terri- 
tories lie across my path. How shall I get these balish to my own coun- 
try?” Qa’an gave him ten Mongols as an escort to bring him and the 
money safely through to friendly territory. The man died upon the 
way and they informed Qa’an. He ordered them to take the balish 
to Baghdad, deliver them at his house and say that the Emperor had 
sent alms so that husbands might be found for those daughters. 

[xliv] The daughter of one of his courtiers was being married. He 
had given her for her dowry a casket of pearls that had to be carried 
by eight persons. When it was brought before him he was carousing 
and making merry. He ordered the lid to be taken off. All the pearls 
were unique, varying in weight between a mithqal 393 and two-sixths of 
a mithqal. He distributed them all amongst those present. It was 
represented to him that this was the casket which they had brought, 
at his command, for the dowry of such-and-such a maiden. “ Give her ” 
he said, “ the casket that is the fellow of this one.” 

[xlv] The atabeg of Shiraz 394 sent his brother Tahamtan to Qa’an 
with gifts and presents, amongst which were two carboys of extremely 
fine pearls. When they were shown to Qa’an and he learnt that the 
pearls were of value in the eyes of him that sent them, he ordered his 
attendants to bring in a long casket filled with royal pearls. The envoy 
and all present were dumbstruck at the sight. Qa’an ordered these 
pearls to be tossed into the wine cup during the feast so that they were 
all shared out amongst those present. 

[xlvi] There was a Mongol called Minquli who had a flock of sheep. 
One night a wolf fell upon that flock and destroyed the greater part of 
it. The next day the Mongol came to Court and told about his flock. 
Qa’an asked where the wolf had gone. It so happened that at this 
juncture some Muslim wrestlers arrived bringing a live wolf with its 
jaws bound which they had caught in those parts. Qa’an bought the 
wolf from them for 1,000 balish , and said to the Mongol: “No good 
will come to thee from killing this animal.” He ordered him to be 
given a thousand sheep and said: “We will release this wolf so that it 

393 Equivalent in Persia, until the late Middle Ages, to 4.3 grams. See Hinz, pp. 
5 - 7 * 

394 Abu Bakr (1226-1260). 



can inform its friends of what happened and they may leave this 
region.” When the wolf was released the dogs fell upon it and tore it 
to pieces. Qa’an was angry and ordered the dogs to be put to death for 
killing the wolf. He entered the ordo in a sad and thoughtful mood and, 
turning to his ministers and courtiers, he said: “I set that wolf free 
because I felt a weakness in my constitution and I thought that if I 
saved a living creature from destruction the Eternal God would grant 
that I too should be spared. The wolf did not escape from the dogs, 
neither surely shall I come forth from this danger .” 395 Now it is not 
concealed that kings are raised up by divine aid and receive inspira- 
tions and so are aware of [future] events. 

We have given some description of Qa’an’s generosity, liberality, 
clemency, and forgiveness, the qualities with which the Necessarily 
Existent had distinguished him, in order that it may be known and 
confirmed to all that in this world there is no virtue above the acquisi- 
tion of a good name, for after the lapse of many years the mention of 
the bounty, generosity, beneficence, and justice of Hatim 396 and 
Nushinravan 397 is still upon the tongues of all mankind. 

O Sa‘di, the breath of a good name never dies; he [only] is dead of whom men 
do not speak well. 

We shall now tell one story also of his severity, awesomeness, and 
fury in order to illustrate his perfection in both of the categories upon 
which the foundations of world sovereignty are laid. 

<*i STORY 

A rumor once sprang up amongst the Mongol tribe of the Oirat 398 
that in accordance with a decree the daughters of that tribe were to be 
affianced to a certain group of people. In fear they affianced most of 
their daughters to husbands within the tribe, and some they actually 
delivered up to them. News of this reached Qa’an’s ear, and he 

395 See below, Section 6, p. 206, note 39. 

396 A pre-Islamic Arab famous for his generosity and hospitality. 

397 Nushlrvan (Khusrau I), the Sassanian ruler (531-578), always represented 
in Persian literature as the personification of justice. 

398 The name of the tribe is omitted injuvaini’s version (HWC, p. 235). 



investigated the matter. It being just as had been reported, orders 
were given to gather all the girls of that tribe over seven years of age 
and to take back all who had been given that year to their husbands. 
Four thousand girls were thus assembled. He ordered those who were 
daughters of emirs to be separated from the rest and made a yasa 
that all who were present should have intercourse with them. Two of 
the girls expired. As for the rest, he drew them up in two rows. Those 
who were worthy of the ordo he dispatched to the harem, some he gave 
to the cheetah-keepers and falconers, and some to the various attend- 
ants at Court; others again he sent to the brothel and the hostel for 
ambassadors. As for those that still remained, he ordered all present, 
whether Mongols or Muslims, to carry them off whilst their brothers, 
husbands, and kinsmen looked on not daring to breathe. 

<*i STORY 

Qa’an had placed all the countries of Khitai under Mahmud 
Yalavach; [the region] from Besh-Baliq 399 and Qara-Khocho , 400 which 
is the land of Uighuristan, Khutan, Kashghar, Almali'q , 401 Qayaliq , 402 
Samarqand, and Bukhara, to the banks of the Oxus under Mas‘ud 
Beg, the son of Yalavach; and (the region) from Khurasan to the 
frontiers of Rum and Diyar Bakr under the Emir Arghun. They used 
to gather together all the taxes of all these countries and deliver them 
to Qa’an’s treasury . 403 

End of the history of Ogetei Qa’an, the son of Chingiz-Khan. 

399 “Pentapolis.” The ruins of Besh-Bali'q are situated some 47 kilometers west of 
Guchen, near Jimsa. See Hudud, p. 272. 

400 Or Qocho, of which the ruins are situated about 45 kilometers east of Turfan. 

401 “Apple Orchard.” It lay somewhere near the later Kulja. 

402 See above, p. 30, note 84. 

403 This story is not in Juvaini. It appears to be incomplete. 


History of Jochi Khan , 

Son of ChingiZ'Khan, 

which is in Three Parts 




>%i part i. An account of the lineage of Jochi Khan; also of his 
wives, sons, and grandsons in the branches into which they have 
divided down to the present day; his portrait; and a genealogical 
table of his descendants. 

<*i part ii. The [general] history of and [particular] episodes in his 
reign; a picture of his throne and wives and the princes and emirs 
on the occasion of his accession ; an account of his summer and winter 
residences, the battles he fought and the victories he gained and the 
length of his reign. 

part hi. His praiseworthy character and morals; miscellaneous 
anecdotes and also the excellent parables, biligs, and pronouncements 
which he uttered, such as have not been included in the two previous 
parts, the information having been acquired on separate occasions 
and at irregular intervals from various books and persons. 



An account of the lineage of Jochi Khan and also 
his wives , sons, and grandsons 

in the branches into which they have divided down to the present day ; 
his portrait; 

and a genealogical table of his descendants 

Jochi Khan was the eldest of the children of Chingiz-Khan, except 
[for] a sister, called Fujin Beki, who was older than he. He was born 
of the eldest wife, called Borte Fujin, the daughter of Dei Noyan of 
the Qonqirat 1 people, who was the mother of four sons and five daugh- 
ters. In the early days of Chingiz-Khan, when the indications of world 
sovereignty were not yet apparent on the pages of his life, his wife, 
the aforesaid Borte Fujin, became pregnant with Jochi Khan. About 
that time the Merkit 2 people found an opportunity to raid the en- 
campment of Chingiz-Khan and carry off his wife, who was pregnant. 
Now although that people hitherto had been for the most part un- 
friendly and hostile toward Ong-Khan , 3 the ruler of the Kereit, there 
was at that time peace between them. They therefore sent Borte 
Fujin to Ong-Khan, and since he had been the friend of Chingiz - 
Khan’s father and also called Chingiz-Khan his child, he treated her 
with honor and respect and bestowed upon her the rank and status of 

1 On the Qonq'irat (Qonggirat or Onggirat), a tribe in the extreme east of Mongolia, 
see Khetagurov, pp. 160-66, Campagnes, pp. 402 ff. Polo /, No. 375 (pp. 869-70). 

2 A forest people in the region of the Lower Selenga, along the southern shores 
of Lake Baikal. 

3 The Unc of Rubruck and the Unc Kan of Marco Polo, who identified him with 
Prester John. His real name was Toghril (To’oril), Ong being the Mongol pronuncia- 
tion of the Chinese title wang, “prince,” conferred on him by the Chin in recognition 
of the part he had played in one of their campaigns against the Tatar. See Conquerant, 
pp. 116-20. His people, the Kereit, were Nestorian Christians; they lived along the 
Orkhon and Tula, between the Khangai and Kentei mountains. 



a daughter-in-law, protecting her from the gaze of strangers. And 
because she was exceedingly beautiful and capable the emirs of Ong- 
Khan said to one another: “Why does not Ong-Khan take Borte 
Fujin for himself,” But Ong-Khan said: “She is in the position of a 
daughter-in-law to me and has been placed with us for safe keeping. 
To look at her with perfidious eyes is not the way of chivalry.” When 
Chingiz-Khan learnt of her whereabouts, he sent an emir of the 
Jalayir 4 called Sebe (the grandfather of Sartaq, who during the 
infancy of Arghun 5 was by virtue of the yarligh of Abaqa 6 Khan emir 
of the ordo in Khurasan and Mazandaran) to Ong-Khan to seek and 
fetch Borte Fujin. Having treated her with respect and consideration, 
Ong Khan dispatched her along with Sebe. Upon the way a son was 
suddenly born to her, and for that reason he was called Jochi . 7 Since 
the road was dangerous and there was no opportunity for halting, 
it was impossible to make a cradle, and [so] Sebe kneaded a little 
flour and, wrapping it round the child, took him in his lap so that he 
might not be harmed. And carrying him carefully, he brought him to 
Chingiz-Khan . 8 

When he grew up he always accompanied and was in attendance 
upon his father, assisting him in weal and woe, but there was constant 
strife, quarreling, and disagreement between him and his brothers 

Chaghatai and Ogetei. And because of , 9 the path of unity 

was trodden upon both sides between him and Tolui and his family 

and none of them ever uttered that taunt but regarded his 10 

as genuine. 

4 On the Jalayir, see Khetagurov, pp. 92-g8. 

5 The Il-Khan ofPersia (1284-1291). 

6 The father of Arghun, Il-Khan of Persia from 1 265 to 1281. 

7 Later authorities have explained Jochi’s name as meaning “unexpected guest,” 
from Mo .jochin, “guest,” but it would seem that Rashid al-Din had some other word 
in mind. See Horde d’Or, pp. 10-28, and Doerfer I, No. 167 (pp. 299-300). 

8 The SH gives an altogether different version (§§ 104-1 1) of the events, according to 
which Borte was rescued from the Merkit by an expedition led jointly by Genghis 
Khan, Ong Khan, and Genghis Khan’s anda, or “oath brother,” Jamuqa, and it is 
implied in a later passage (§254) that the Merkit Chilger Boko was Jochi’s real father. 
See also below, note 10. 

9 There is a blank in the mss. 

10 There is a blank in one of Blochet’s mss and in his text, but not in Verkhovsky’s. 
Presumably some such word as nasab, “genealogy, parentage,” is missing. The “ taunt ” 
must in any case be a reference to the circumstances of Jochi’s birth. 



In his childhood and youth, Jochi Khan had sought in marriage a 
daughter of Jagambo 11 called Bek-Tutmish Fujin, the sister of Ibaqa 
Beki, the wife of Chingiz-Khan, and of Sorqoqtani Beki, the wife of 
Tolui Khan. She was Jochi Khan’s eldest wife; apart from her he had 
many wives and concubines and many children by them. According to 
reliable informants he had nearly forty sons, and grandchildren 
without number descended from them. However, on account of the 
great distance and because no authority could be found, it has not 
been possible to ascertain their genealogies with exactitude, but such of 
his sons and grandsons as are well known shall be described in detail. 
And God Almighty knows best what is right. 

grandsons that have been born up to the present time 

The sons of Jochi Khan, those that are famous and well known, are 
fourteen. Their names and those of their descendants, insofar as these 
are known, are as follows: first son, Orda; second son, Batu; third 
son, Berke; fourth son, Berkecher; fifth son, Shiban Khan; sixth son, 
Tangqut; seventh son, Bo’al; eighth son, Chila’uqun; ninth son, 
Shingqur; tenth son, Chimtai; eleventh son, Muhammad; twelfth 
son, Udur; thirteenth son, Toqa-Temur; [and] fourteenth son, 

We shall now begin and give an account of each of these sons one 
by one in the order given above ; we shall also give a detailed account 
of their descendants. 

First Son of Jochi Khan— Orda 

He was born of [Jochi Khan’s] chief wife, Sorghan by name, of the 
Qonqirat people. He was held in very great honor and respect both 
during his father’s lifetime and after his death. And although Jochi 
Khan was succeeded by his second son, Batu, yet in th eyarlighs which 
he wrote with respect to decrees and yasas Mongke Qa’an placed the 

11 The brother ofOng-Khan. 



name of Orda first. Orda was content with Batu’s being the ruler and 
caused him to be enthroned in his father’s place. Of Jochi Khan’s 
armies, half was held by Orda and half by Batu. He with his four broth- 
ers Udur, Toqa-Temur, Shingqur, and Shinggiim were the army on 
the left, and to this day they are called the princes of the left hand . 12 
Their posterity is still today together with the posterity of Orda, and 
his yurt and that of his brothers and their armies are on the left in the 
region of ——— — .’ J His descendants and their ulus are still there, and 
from the very beginning it has never happened that any of the members 
of Orda’s family that have succeeded him have gone to the khans of 
Batu’s family, for they are far distant from each other and independent 
rulers of their own ulus. Nevertheless, it has been their custom to 
recognize those who have succeeded Batu as their lords and rulers 
and to write their names at the head of their yarlighs. Bayan, the son 
of Qonichi, who is the ruler of the ulus of Orda in the present age, has 
come to the border of the territory of Toqta, who is the ruler of the 
ulus of Batu, because his cousin Kiiiliik had rebelled against him and 
he was afraid of him, and he has gone to Toqta on the pretext of 
holding a quriltai, as shall be related in detail hereafter. 

Orda had three chief wives, one of them being Juke Khatun of the 
Qonq'irat people, another Tobaqana, also of the Qonqirat, and 

another -, 14 likewise of the Qonqirat, whose father’s name was 

Oge Khan; [Orda] married her after her father’s death. He had 
concubines also. By these wives he had seven sons, as follows : Sartaqtai, 
Quli, Qurumshi, Qongqiran, Chormaqai, Qutuqu, and Hiilegii. 
The circumstances of these seven sons and their sons and grandsons 
are such as shall now be recounted in detail separately for each one. 

First Son of Orda — Sartaqtai 

This son was born of Joge Khatun, who belonged to the Qonqirat 
people. He had four chief wives and several concubines. By the wife 
called Hujan, who was the sister of Qutui Khatun, the wife of Hiilegii 

12 That is, the East. 

13 Blank in the mss. Orda’s ulus, known later as the White Horde, occupied the 
region stretching northward from the right bank of the Sir Darya to the Ulu-Tau 
mountains, in what is now Central Kazakhstan. 

14 Blank in all the mss. 



Khan, he had a son Qonichi , 15 who was for a long time ruler of the ulus 
of Orda: he was on friendly terms with Arghun 16 Khan and after- 
ward with the Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever!), to 
whom he was constantly sending ambassadors to express his affection 
and devotion. He was excessively fat and corpulent and was growing 
fatter every day, until it reached a point where the kezikten 17 used to 
watch over him night and day to prevent his sleeping, lest some fat 
should come out of his throat and he should perish. Because of his 
extreme bulk no horse would carry him, and he used to travel in a 
wagon. In the end he accidentally fell asleep, some fat came out of his 
throat, and he died. 

Qonichi had four chief wives, the first, Toquluqan of the Qonqirat 
people, the second, Buqulun of the Merkit people, the third, Chingtiim 
of the Qonqirat people, and the fourth, Barquchin of the Jajirat 18 
people, of the family of a great emir, who was the chief of the qorchis. 
He had four sons; Bayan, Bachqirtai , 19 Chaghan-Buqa, and Maqudai . 20 
The circumstances of these four sons of Qonichi and the genealogy of 
their sons and grandsons are such as shall now be described in detail 
separately for each one. 

First Son of Qonichi—Bayan. He was born of Buqulun Khatun of the 
Qonqirat people. After his father’s death, he married three of his 
wives: the first, Barquchin, the second, Chingtiim, and the third, 
Altaju. He had also three other wives: the first, Ilgen of the Qonqirat 
people, the daughter of Temiige of the family of Keles Elchi, who 
came here; the second, Qutulun of the Arghun 21 people, the daughter 

15 Marco Polo’s Conchi. See Polo I, p. 404. 

16 Thell-Khan of Persia (1284-1291). 

17 A variant form of keshikten, on which see above, Section 1 , p. 41 , note 1 33. 

18 The Jadaran or Jajirat were the tribe of Genghis Khan’s old rival, Jamuqa. 
On the name, see Campagnes, pp. 28-29. 

19 “He of the Bachq'ird (Bashqird).” On the Bashgh'ird, the modern Bashkirs, 
see above, Section 1, p. 55, note 212. The Mongols, as Pelliot remarks, “were 
often called by ethnical names, without any regard to their own tribal origin . . . .” 
See Polo II, p. 782. 

20 “He of the Maqud (Maqut).” On the Maqut or Taqut, see above, Section 1, 
p. 70, note 342. 

21 Reading ARTWNAN for the AW'WJVAN of two of Blochet’s mss, whence 
apparently Verkhovsky’s ugnan. Blochet himself reads AWFWZYAN, that is, ap- 
parently Oghuz, which is, of course, impossible. On the Arghun, the Argons of Marco 
Polo, see Polo I, pp. 48—5 1 . 



of — ; 22 and the third, Altaju of the Qonq'irat people, the daughter 

of Todei Bahadur, who was a kinsman of the Great Lady Bulaghan 
Khatun. 23 Bayan has four sons, as follows: ShadI, born of Ilgen, the 
daughter of Temiige; Sati-Buqa, born of Qutulun Khatun; Tekne, 
born of Altaju Khatun; and Salji’utai, whose mother’s name is not 

Bayan has now succeeded his father Qonichi and administers his 
ulus. He is on friendly terms with the Lord of Islam (may God cause 
him to reign forever!) and is constantly sending ambassadors. Some 
time ago Kiiiliik, the son of Temiir-Buqa, made the claim, that previ- 
ously his father had administered the ulus and [that] therefore it came 
to him by inheritance. He held an assembly, obtained troops from 
Qaidu and Du’a, and made a sudden attack upon Bayan. Bayan 
fled and went to a region where Toqta, the successor of Batu, is 
settled. He passed the winter there and in the spring came to Toqta 
for a quriltai and asked him for help. Toqta, being at war with Noqai 
and at the same time apprehensive regarding the Lord of Islam 
(may God cause him to reign forever !), made some excuse and did not 
give him any troops. Instead, he sent ambassadors to Qaidu and Du’a 
calling on them to send Kiiiliik to him; he also issued a yarligh that 
the ulus was still be be administered by Bayan. Up to the present Bayan 
has fought fifteen battles with Kiiiluk and the troops of Qaidu and 
Du’a, and on six occasions he was present in person in the battle. And 
although Toqta sends ambassadors to Chapar, the son of Qaidu, and 
Du’a, calling on them to send Kiiiliik, they do not agree and made 
excuses, it being their intention to help Kiiiliik so that he may become 
ruler of the ulus and be their ally in their dispute with Ghazan Khan. 
Last year, which was 702/1 302-1 303, Bayan sent ambassadors to the 
Lord of Islam (may God cause him to reign forever !) headed by Keles of 
the Qonq'irat, who was an emir during the reign of Qonichi, and 
Toq-Temiir of the Besiit, 24 along with other ndkers. They reached the 
Lord of Islam (may God cause him to reign forever !) in the neighborhood 
of Baghdad at the beginning of Jumada 1 1 of the same year [end of 

22 Most of the diacritical points are missing in Blochet’s mss and text. Verkhovsky 
reads the name Tukuyana-Tukutai. 

23 Bulaghan was the wife of the Il-Khan Abaqa and afterward became the wife 
of his son Arghun. 

24 On the Besiit (misspelled Yisut), see Khetagurov, pp. 193-96. 



January, 1303], bringing falcons and other presents. They bore this 
message: “It is requested that you constantly send ambassadors with 
good tidings and wait until the emirs go to war in whatsoever direction 
is commanded and render service. For this year we have gone to war 
against Chapar, and Toqta is allied with us and has been sending 

Toqta had sent 2 tiimens to link up with the troops of the Qa’an at 
Deresii, 25 for the frontier of their territory is close to that of the Qa’an 
and they had joined forces before. Some years ago Qaidu, fearing they 
might link up with the troops of the Qa’an, sent his second son, called 
Bayanchar, another son called Shah, Tdde-Temiir, the son of Shiregi, 
the son of Mongke Qa’an, and Malik Temiir, the son of Ariq Boke, 
with an army to the frontier of Bayan’s country and handed over that 
region to them so that they might form a screen between the troops 
of the Qa’an and those of Bayan and not allow them to link up. And 
Kuiluk, with the troops that have gone over from Bayan and those 
which have come to assist him from Qaidu and Du’a, has seized part 
of the territories and ulus of Bayan, though Bayan still administers 
the greater part of the ulus of Orda, but on account of these constant 
battles his troops have become empoverished, some mounted and some 
on foot; nevertheless he continues to struggle against his powerful 
enemy and seeks help in money from here. The Lord of Islam ( may God 
cause him to reign forever!) sent back from Tabriz his ambassadors that 
had reached him in Baghdad; with them he sent gold, clothing, and 
other presents for Bayan and his wives. 

Second Son of Qonichi — Bachqirtai. He was born of Buqulun Khatun 
of the Merkit and had a wife called Kokeliin of the Kereit, by whom 
he had a son called Yeke. 

25 DRSW. In a letter dated the 20th February, 1968, Professor Francis W. Cleaves 
suggests that this name is “almost certainly the Mongolian deresu(n), a kind of high 
grass, which occurs very frequently in proper names.” Cf. the Tersiit of the SH, 
the T‘a-la-su of the Sheng-wu ch‘in-cheng lu, in which Pelliot (Campagnes, pp. 224-26) 
sees a plural of this same deresii (n). Deresii is perhaps to be identified with this place, 
in which, in 1201, Ja-gambo, the brother of Ong-Khan, made his submission to 
Genghis Khan, or else with Yeke-Deresiin, where, according to the Yuan shih (quoted 
by Pelliot, Campagnes, p. 226), the Great Khan Mongke gave an audience to his brother 
Qubilai at the beginning of 1258. Unfortunately, we know nothing about the location 
of either of these places. For a description of deresu(n) “broom grass, lasiagrostis 
splendens” and the effect it produces on the steppe landscape, see Thiel, p. 136. 



ThirdSonof Qonichi — Chaghan-Buqa. He was born of Chingtum Khatun, 
who has already been mentioned, and had a wife called Siirmish, 
the daughter of Qush-Temur, of the Kereit people, by whom he had 
a son called Jiretei. 

Fourth Son of Qonichi — Maqudai. He was born of Barquchin Khatun 
of the Jajirat people : he had no children. 

End of the branch of Sartaqtai, the father of Qonichi, the first son of 

The Second Son of Orda — Quit 

When Hiilegii Khan was coming to Persia the decree was issued 
that from each of the princely houses a prince should join him with an 
army to assist him, and it was this Quli who was sent from the ulus 
of Orda . 26 By way of Khwarazm he arrived in Dihistan 27 and Mazan- 
daran. He had several senior wives; one called Nendiken of the Qon- 

qirat people, another called Qadaqan of the 28 people and one 

called Kokteni, who came here and died in this country . 29 He had 
five sons, as follows: Tumeken, Tumen, Mingqan, Ayachi, and Musal- 
man. The account of the descent of these five sons and of their circum- 
stances is such as shall now be given of each of them individually. 

First Son of Quli — Tumeken. This Tumeken had three senior wives: 
one called Bulaghan, the daughter of Soghal Noyan, of the Tatar 

people, the second, Boralun Khatun of the 30 people; the third, 

called Oljei, was a concubine. He had three sons in the order in which 
they are enumerated below. 

Charuq. He had a wife called Yaqur , 31 by whom he had two 

sons: Noqai and Safilmi'sh. 

Mubarak. He was born of the aforesaid Boralun Khatun and had 
two sons : El-Buqa and Tore-Temiir. 

Kvichuk. He was born of the aforesaid concubine called Oljei. 

26 According to Grigor (pp. 327-31), Quli (whom he calls Khul) had previously 
been governor of Armenia. He implies that he met a violent end, though this is not 
confirmed by Rashid al-Din (Arends, p. 54), who says only that his death occurred 
after those ofBalaghai and Tutar. See below, p. 123. 

27 Dihistan, “ the land of the Dahae,” was a district north of the Atrek on the eastern 
shores of the Caspian, in what is now Turkmenistan. S e&Hudud, p. 386. 

28 Blank in the mss. 29 That is, Persia. 

30 Blank in the mss. 31 Rest of the name is corrupt. 



Second Son of Quli — Tiimen. He was born of Nendiken Khatun and 
had several wives and concubines. The name of one of his senior 
wives was Boralun of the 32 people. He had six sons, as enumer- 

ated : Aq-Kopek : he had a son called Boralq'i ; Dashman ; Qurtaqachi ; 
Qutlugh-Buqa; Qutlugh-Temiir; and El-Temur. These [latter] 
five sons had no children, and the names of Aq-Kopek’s mother and 
those of Dashman, Qurtaqachi, and Qutlugh-Temiir are not known: 
Qutlugh-Buqa was born of Boralun. 

Third Son of Quli — Mingqan. He was born of 33 Khatun and 

had wives and concubines, but their names have not been ascertained, 
he had three sons, in the order enumerated: Khalil, Bashmaq, and 
Olqutu. This Mingqan, when his father Quli came to this country, 
came also accompanied by all the three above-/nentioned sons . 34 

Fourth Son of Quli — Ayachi. The names of his wives have not been 
ascertained. He had one son, called Qazan, by the daughter of Qutluq- 
Buqa, the son of Korgiiz. This Ayachi came here as a child and during 
the reign of Abaqa Khan was with Arghun Khan in Khurasan. 
Having treated him with kindness and favor, they dismissed him to- 
gether with his son as an act of friendship and expediency, sending them 
back to their own ulus. 

Fifth Son of Quli — Musalman. He was born of Qadaqan Khatun. He 
had many wives, one of them called Orda-Tegin of the Naiman people. 
He had four sons in the order enumerated: Yaqutu, Khwaja, Yailaq, 
and Ilyas, all born of Orda-Tegin. 

End of the branch of Quli, the second son of Orda. 

Third Son of Orda — Qurumski 35 

This Qurumshi has no sons, and his wives are not known. 

Fourth Son of Orda — Qongqiran 

He administered the ulus of Orda after his death. He had no sons. 

32 Blank in the mss. 

33 Blank in Blochet; Verkhovsky has Bilan. 

34 According to Grigor (pp. 339-41), Mingqan (whom he calls Mighan) was im- 
prisoned by Hiilegii on an island in Lake Urmiya. He speaks elsewhere (p. 331) of his 
succeeding his father as governor of Armenia. 

33 Identified by Pelliot ( Horde d’Or, p. g) with the Mongol chieftain Corenza, 
encountered by John de Plano Carpini on the Dnieper. 



Fifth Son of Orda—Chormaqai 

He also had no children, and his wives are unknown. 

Sixth Son of Orda — Qutuqu 

It is not known whether or not he had any children. 

Seventh Son of Orda — Hulegii 

He had two senior wives, one of these called Soluqu 36 Khatun of the 

37 people and the other 38 of the Qfpchaq people: by 

them he had two sons, Temiir-Buqa and Olqutu. 

His name was Hiile’ii, and he had no children. The children attribut- 
ed to him are those of Qutuqu. This was ascertained from the books of 
genealogies which are most trustworthy. And God knows best . 39 

First Son of Hulegii — Temiir-Buqa. He had four senior wives: the 
first, Kokejin, the daughter of Yisiin Noyan, of the Qonqirat people ; 
the second, Arghun-Tegin of the Arghun 40 people, the daughter of 

Quri-Qochghar ; the third, Qutujin of the — 41 people; and the 

fourth, Bayalun of the Qonqirat, the sister of Qutui Khatun, the wife of 
Hulegii Khan. Apart from these, he also had concubines. The aforesaid 
wives had six sons: (i) Kuiliik, born of Kokejin; (2) Buqa-Temiir, 
born of Arghun-Tegin; (3) Jangqut, by Qutujin; (4) Toqa-Temiir, 
whose mother was Bayalun; (5) Saisi, also by Qutujin; and (6) 
Ushanan, also born of Kokejin. 

Second Son of Hulegii — Olqutu. He was born of the aforesaid — - 42 

Khatun and had four sons in the order in which they are enumerated : 
Uch-Qurtuqa, Besh-Qurtuqa, 43 Buqa-Temiir, and Derek. 

36 Verkhovsky has Sulukan (Soluqan). 

37 Blank in all the mss. 

38 Verkhovsky has Turbarchin. 

39 All of this paragraph, according to Blochet, is a marginal note occurring in only 
one of his mss: the information it contains agrees with the data of the Mu'izz al-Ansab. 
In Verkhovsky it is placed before the preceding paragraph. 

40 See above, p. 10 1, note 21. 41 Blank in all the mss. 

42 See above, note 38. 

43 The names are Turkish and mean, respectively, “Three Old Women” and 
“Five Old Women.” For the former, Verkhovsky has Uch-Buqa, that is, “Three 
Oxen.” Presumably the old women had been present at the birth. It was the Mongol 
custom to name a child after the first person or thing that caught the mother’s eye 
after her confinement. Cf. above, p. 25, note 68. 



This Hiilegii was born of a concubine of the Tangqut people called 
Erniik Egechi. He had extremely long hair such that it reached the 
ground. He had no children . 44 

With the aid of God Almighty the branch of Orda, the first son of 
Jochi Khan, has been completed. 

The Second Son of Jochi Khan — Batu 

Batu was born of Oki 45 Fujin Khatun, the daughter of Alchi Noyan, 
of the Qonqirat people. He was called Sayin-Khan 46 and stood in 
high honor and enjoyed great power, administering the ulus and army 
in place of Jochi Khan and living a long life. When the four sons of 
Chingiz-Khan died, he became the senior of all [of the Khan’s] 
grandsons and occupied a position of great honor and magnificence 
amongst them. In the quriltai, no one dared to contravene his word, 
nay, all the princes were obedient and submissive to him. It had been 
previously ordained by a yarl'igh of Chingiz-Khan that Jochi should 
proceed with an army and seize and take possession of all the northern 
countries, such as Ibir-Sibir , 47 Bular, the Qjpchaq Steppe, and the 
lands of the Bashghird, Rus , 48 and Cherkes 49 as far as Darband on the 
Caspian, which the Mongols call Temur-Qahalqa . 50 Jochi neglected 
this command, and when Ogetei Khan acceded to the Khanate, he 
charged Batu with that same undertaking, deputing his nephew 
Mongke Qa’an, the latter’s brother Bochek, and his own son Giiyiik 
Khan, along with such great emirs as Siibetei Bahadur, the army 

44 This paragraph is not in Verkhovsky. It apparently belongs together with the 
paragraph referred to above, p. 106, note 39, and is therefore an interpolation from 
some other source. 

45 On the name, see Horded.' Or, pp. 28-29. 

46 Literally, “Good Khan,” “good” not in the sense of “kind, benevolent” (Barth- 
old), or of “wise, sensible” (Pelliot), but of “late, deceased,” the name being a 
posthumous title bestowed on Batu to avoid the mention of his real name. See Boyle 

47 That is, Siberia. See Bretschneider, II, p. 37, note 81 1 . 

48 Russians. 

49 Circassians. 

50 See above, Section 1, p. 61, note 260. 



commander of the Uriyangqat 51 people who came to this country 52 
with Jebe, at the head of an army, to gather all together with the other 
princes under Batu and set about the conquest of the northern coun- 
tries. In the bichin y 'il, that is, the Year of the Monkey, falling in Jumada 
1 1 of the year 633 [February-March, 1236], they set out and conquered 
the greater part of those countries, and in the spring of the qulquna 
y'il , that is, the Year of the Rat, corresponding to the months of the 
year 637/1239-1240, 55 Giiyuk Khan and Mongke Qa’an, in obedience 
to the yarl'igh of Qa’an, turned back and proceeded to the Court of 
Qa’an. After a lapse of time, Batu, with his brothers and the emirs 
and army, continued the conquest of those countries, as his posterity 
are still doing. 

Batu had many senior wives and concubines. He had four sons, in 
the following order: Sartaq, Toqoqan, Ebiigen, and Shinggum. 
The descendants of these four sons and their circumstances are such 
as are recorded separately for each of them. 

First Son of Batu — Sartaq 54 

He was born of 55 Khatun and had no son. s6 

Second Son of Batu — Toqoqan 

He had five sons, in the following order: Tartu, Mongke-Temur, 
Tode-Mongke, Toqiiqonqa, and Ugechi. The details regarding the 
descendants of these five sons are as follows. 

51 Rashid al-Din distinguishes between the Uriyangqat proper and the forest 
Uriyanqat, the latter (the Orengai of Rubruck) inhabiting the Barghujin-Togiim 
or “Barghu Depression,” that is, the region to the east of Lake Baikal, Marco Polo’s 
“plain of Bargu.” The Uriyangqat proper, so Pelliot thinks, “may have been the 
ancestors of the present Uryangqai tribes of the Republic of Tuva.” See Khetagurov, 
pp. 123-25, and 156-60, and Polo I, pp. 77 and 337. 

52 That is, Persia. The reference is to the two generals’ pursuit of Sultan Muhammad 
across Persia in 1 220, on which see HWC, pp. 1 42-49. 

53 Actually 1240. 

54 On Sartaq, apparently a Nestorian Christian, who succeeded his father as ruler 
of the Golden Horde (1255-1256), see Horde d’Or, p. 34, Steppes , 473-74, Spuler 1943, 
p. 33, and Vernadsky, pp. 148-50. 

55 Blank in all the mss. 

56 Actually, Sartaq had at least two sons, one of whom, Ulaghchi, succeeded him 
as ruler of the Golden Horde. See Horde d'Or, pp. 34-44. Rashid al-Din also fails to 
mention Sartaq’s “six wives” and his eldest son’s “two or three” (Rockhill, p. 101). 



First Son of Toqoqan — Tartu. He had wives and concubines, but their 
names are not known. He had two sons: Tole-Buqa , 57 whose children 
are not known, and Konchek, who had a son called Boz-Buqa. 

Second Son of Toqoqan — Mongke-Temiir. sS This Mongke-Temiir had 
wives and concubines, and the names of all three senior wives are 
known: Oljei of the Qonq'irat people, Sultan Khatun of the Ushin 59 

people, and Qutuqui 60 Khatun of the^ 61 people. He had ten 

sons, in the following order: Alqui, born of Oljei; Abachi; Todeken, 
born of Sultan Khatun; Borliik, born of Qutuqui Khatun; Toqta , 62 
born of Oljeitii Khatun, the sister of Kelmish-Aqa, the sister of 
Mongke Qa’an, who was the wife of Saljidai Kiiregen (Toqta is 
now the ruler of the ulus of Jochi and has two wives, one called Bulaghan 
and the other Tiikunche, of the Qonqirat people, and one son called 

); 63 Sarai-Buqa; Molaqai ; 64 Qadan; Qoduqai ; 65 and Toghril- 

cha . 66 

Ended with the aid of God and His excellent guidance. 

Third Son of Toqoqan — Tode-Mongke . 67 His mother and Mongke- 
Temur’s was Kochii Khatun, the sister of Oljei Khatun and the 

Pelliot ( Horde d’Or, p. 44, note 1) suggests that this curious lack of information may be 
due to a conspiracy of silence imposed upon the Muslim world by Sartaq’s uncle and 
successor, Berke (1258-1266), a bigoted convert to Islam. 

57 Marco Polo’s Tolobuga. He ruled the Golden Horde from 1287 to 1291. See 
Spuler 1943, pp. 70-72, Vernadsky, pp. 178-85; also below, pp. 124-26. 

58 The successor of Berke, he ruled the Horde from 1 266 or the beginning of 1 267 
until 1280. See Spuler 1943, pp. 52-62, and Vernadsky, pp. 163-74; a ^ so below, 
pp. 123-24. 

59 On the Oshin or Hiishin, see Khetagurov, pp. 171-72, and Campagnes, pp. 
72 - 73 - 

60 Qutui in Verkhovsky’s text. 61 Blank in all the mss. 

62 Toqta or Toqto — on the name see Horde d’Or, pp. 67-71- — was the ruler of the 
Golden Horde from 1291 to 1312. See Spuler 1943, pp. 72-85, and Vernadsky, pp. 
1 85-95; a l so below, pp. 126-30. 

63 Blank in all Blochet’s mss. He had three sons according to Verkhovsky’s text: 
Yavarish (Yabush?), Iksar (?), and Tugel-Buka, the latter two being the El-Basar 
and Tiikel-Buqa of the Egyptian sources. Sec Horde d’Or, pp. 71—72 and note 4. 

64 Holaqai according to Verkhovsky’s text, which gives him a son called Ulus-Buqa. 

65 Qoduqan according to Verkhovsky’s text, which also mentions a son — Kiinges. 

65 Verkhovsky’s text also names his son Oz-Beg, the future ruler of the Golden 
Horde (1313-1341), on whom see Horde d’Or, pp. 92-94, Spuler 1943, pp. 85-99, 
and Vernadsky, pp. 195-204. 

67 Successor of Mdngke-Temur (1280-1287). See Spuler 1943, pp. 63-70, and 
Vernadsky, pp. 174-82; also below, p. 124. 



daughter of Buqa-Temiir of the Oirat people. This Tode-Mongke had 
two wives: Ariqachi of the Qonqirat people and Tore-Qutlugh of the 
Alchi-Tatar people. He had three sons, in the following order: Or- 
Menggu, born of Ariqachi; Chechektii, by Tore-Qutlugh; and To- 
betei, whose wives are unknown and who had two sons, as follows: 
68 has no children. 

Fourth Son of Toqoqan- — Toqiqonqa. He had wives and two sons, in the 
order that follows : Babuch, Tiikel-Buqa . 69 

Fifth Son of Toqoqan — Ugechi. He had no children. 

Third Son of Batu — Ebtigen 

He had wives and concubines and seven sons, in the order that 
follows: Baraq, Bular, Tutuch, Daquqa, Ahmad, Sabir, and Dongiir. 
The last-named had no children, and the names of his wives are not 
known . 70 

The branch of Batu, the second son of Jochi Khan, has been com- 
pleted, with God’s assistance. 

Third Son of Jochi Khan — Berke 

He had no children. His history will be included in the sections 
on Hiilegii Khan and Abaqa Khan, if God so wills . 71 

Fourth Son of Jochi Khan — Berkecher 

He had a wife and concubines and two sons, in the order that 

The first son of this Berkecher, Kokcchu, had four sons: Ejil- 
Temiir, Biliqchi, Doqdai, and Toq-Temiir. 

68 Blochet’s mss omit the sons’ names, and Verkhovsky’s text omits all these details, 
stating instead that Tobetii’s mother was not known. 

69 So in Verkhovsky. Blochet’s text has “seven,” although it gives the two names. 

70 Here follows in Verkhovsky’s text: “Fourth Son of Batu, Ulakchi. He had no 
children, and the names of his wives are not known.” See above, p. 108, note 56. 

71 See Arends, pp. 59-61 and 68-69; also below, pp. 122-23. Cf. Spuler 1943, 
pp. 33-52, and Vernadsky, pp. 151-63. 



The second son of this Berkecher, Yesii-Buqa, had one son, called 

The branch of Berkecher, the son of Jochi Khan, has been completed 
with the help of God and His excellent guidance. 

Fifth Son of Jochi Khan — Shiban 72 

He had many wives and concubines and twelve sons, as follows: 
Bainal, Bahadur, Qadaq, Balaqan, Cherik, Mergen, Qurtuqa, Ayachi, 
Sailqan, Bayanchar, Majar, and Qonichi. The details of the branches 
of these twelve sons and their grandsons are given below. 

First Son of Shiban — Bainal 

He had three sons in this order: Ilaq-Temiir, Beg-Temiir, and Yesii- 

Second Son of Shiban — Bahadur 

He had two sons. It is not known whether the first son of Bahadur, 
Qutlugh-Buqa, had any issue. The second son of Bahadur, Jochi- 
Buqa, had four sons, as follows: Badaqul, Beg-Temur, Nangkichar, 
and Yesii-Buqa. 

Third Son of Shiban — Qadaq 

He had one son, called Tole-Buqa, and this Tole-Buqa had two 
sons: the elder, Mingqutai, and the younger, Tumen-Temur. Tiimen- 
Temiir had a son called Ochiiken. 

Fourth Son of Shiban — Balaqan 73 

He had three sons in the following order: Tiiri, Tiigen, and Toqdai. 
This Toqdai is called Murld-Toqdai and Tama-Toqdai. His winter 
quarters are near the River Terek, toward Darband, and for some 
time past he has been at the head of the patrol of scouts. He has three 
sons: Baqircha, Kiichuk, andja’uqan. 

72 On the name, see Horde d’Or, pp. 44-47. From Shiban’s line there sprang, 
besides occasional rulers of the Golden Horde, the Tsars of Tiumen and the Uzbeg 
Khans of Bokhara and Khiva. See Steppes, pp. 556-68. 

13 Balaghai is the more usual form of the name: he came to the West in the train of 
Hiilegii. See HWC, p. 608 and note 1 ; also below, pp. 122-23. 

1 1 1 


Fifth Son of Shiban — Cherik 
This Cherik had one son called Toq-Temur. 

Sixth Son of Shiban — Mergen 

He had two sons, as follows : Buqa-Temiir and El-Buqa. 

Seventh Son of Shiban — Qurtuqa 
This Qurtuqa had one son, called Kines. 

Eighth Son of Shiban — Ayachi 
This Ayachi had one son, called Uch-Qurtuqa . 74 

Ninth Son of Shiban — Sailqan 

He had one son, called Qutlugh-Temiir. This Qutlugh-Temur 
had seven sons: Boraltai, Beg-Temur, Boralghii, Otman, Sainaq, 
Yesii-Buqa, and Temiirtei. 

Tenth Son of Shiban — Bayanchar 

He had one son, called Ebiigen Kuregen, and this Ebiigen Kiiregen 
had one son, called Toghanchar. 

Eleventh Son of Shiban — Major 75 
He had one son, called Dorchi. 

Twelfth Son of Shiban — Qonichi 

He had no issue. 

The branch of Shiban is completed with His excellent guidance. 

Sixth Son ofjochi Khan — Tangqut 

He had two sons: Siibiigetei and Toquz. The descendants of these 
two sons are as follows. 

74 On the name, see above, p. 1 06, note 43. 

75 That is, “Hungarian.” See above, Section 1 , p. 55, note 2 1 1 . 

1 12 


First Son of Tangqut — Subugetei 

He had two sons: Majar, who had a son called Kiirk, and Kichik- 
Qonichi, who had four sons: Borachar, Kiich-Temur, Ishten , 76 and 

Second Son of Tangqut — Toquz 

He had three sons, as follows: Qalumtai, Arslan, and Boralghi. 

The branch of Tangqut, the sixth son of Jochi Khan, is completed. 

Seventh Son of Jochi Khan — Bo'al 

He had two sons: Tatar and Mingqadur. The descendants of these 
two sons are as follows. 

First Son of Bo’ at — Tatar 

He had a son, Noqai , 77 and this Noqai had three sons, as follows: 
Joge, Tiige, and Torai. 

Second Son of Bo’al — Mingqadur 

He had nine sons, as follows: Tutar , 78 who has a son called Kirdi- 
Buqa ; Begdiiz; Orus, who has two sons, Todiiken and Qutlu-Bai; 
Ebiigen, who has two sons, Toquch and Ahmad; Oz-Beg, who has no 
issue; Sasiq, who has one son, Basar; Oz-Beg-Qurtuqa ; Toqlucha; and 

The Branch of Bo’al, the seventh son of Jochi Khan, has been com- 
pleted with the assistance of God Almighty. 

Eighth Son of Jochi Khan — Chilaqa’un 

He had no issue. 

76 AYSTAN. Apparently the Hungarian Isten, “ God.” 

77 Marco Polo’s Nogai, on whom see Spuler 1943, pp. 59-78, and Vernadsky, 
pp. 174-189; also below, pp. 125-29. 

78 He too accompanied Hulegii to the West ( HWC , p. 608 and note 2). He was 
accused and convicted of sorcery and put to death on the 2nd February, 1260 (Arends, 
p. 54), the mode of execution according to Grigor (p. 339), being strangulation with 
the bowstring. See also below, p. 123. 



Ninth Son of Jochi Khan — Shingqur 

He had three sons. Their names and those of their descendants are 
as follows. 

First Son — Tesu-Buqa 

He had five sons, as follows: Boralqi', Kiiiluk, Todeken, Todechii, 
and Akhtachi. 

Second Son—Shiremun 

He had three sons: Khwarazmi , 79 whose mother was Bora’ujin of 
the Tatar; Jaqutu, whose mother was Qutluqan of the Siildus; 
and Bairam, whose mother was Qoldaq, a concubine. 

Third Son — Majar 80 

He had three sons: Urusaq, Bayan, and Baiqu. 

The branch of Shingqur, the ninth son of Jochi Khan, has been 
completed, thanks be to God. 

The Tenth Son of Jochi Khan — Chimtai 

He had wives and concubines and two sons, Hindu and Tode’iir, 
whose descendants are as follows. 

First Son of Chimtai — Hindu 

He had one son, called Yekii. This Yeku had three sons, in this 
order: Jalayirtai, Kondelen-Mangqutai, and Taqachu. He reigned for 
2 full years after Chimtai’s death, after which Toqta put him to death. 

Second Son of Chimtai — Tode’iir 

He had two sons : Majar, who had three sons : Melik, Khwaja 
Temur, and Qurtuqachuq; and Tariyaji, who had no issue. 

The branch of Chimtai, the tenth son of Jochi Khan, has been com- 
pleted by His grace and favor. 

7 « “Khwarazmian.” The same name as Qurumshi (p. 105). See Horde d’Or, p. 9 
and note 3. * 

80 See above, p. 1 1 2, note 75. 


Eleventh Son of Jochi Khan — Muhammad 

He was also called Bora . 81 He had no issue. 

Twelfth Son of Jochi Khan — -Udur 

He had one son called Qarachar. This Qarachar had five sons, as 

First Son of Qarachar — Qurtuqa 

His mother was called El-Tutm’ish of the Togeles, that is, Toles . 82 
This Qurtuqa had a son called Sasi. 

Second Son of Qarachar — Dorji 
This Dorji had one son, called Ananda. 

Third Son of Qarachar — Abishqa 

He had no issue. 

Fourth Son of Qarachar — Emegen 
He too had no issue. 

Fifth Son of Qarachar — Tiikel 
He too had no issue. 

The branch of Udur, the twelfth son of Jochi Khan, has been com- 

Thirteenth Son of Jochi Khan-Toqa-Temiir 83 

This Toqa-Temiir had four sons. Their names and those of their 
descendants are as follows. 

81 Bora (“Grey”) was presumably the name he bore before his conversion (like 
that of his brothers Berke and Berkecher) to Islam. See Horde d’Or, pp. 49-50. 

82 Togeles represents the Uighur spelling, in which the intervocalic g is purely 
graphic. The To’eles are mentioned in SH (§239) as one of the forest peoples subju- 
gated by Jochi in 1207. They lived in close proximity to the Barghut and Qori, in the 
Barghujin-Tdgiim, to the east of Lake Baikal. 

83 The ancestor of the Khans of Kazan and the Crimea. 


First Son — Bai- Temur 

He had three sons: Toqanchar, Yilqichi, and Kokechu. None of them 
had issue. 

Second Son — Bayern 

He had two sons : Qazan and Dashman. They had no issue. 

Third Son — Uriing- Temur 

He had four sons: Achiq, who had a son called Bakhtiyar; Ari'qli, 
who had three sons, ‘Add, Saqrichi, and Anbarchi; Qaraqir, who had 
three sons, Negiibei, Kereiche, and Shibaghuchi; and Saricha, who had 
one son called Konchek. 

Fourth Son—Ked-Temur 
He had two sons; Qara-Khwaja and Abai. 

The branch of Toqa-Temiir, the thirteenth son of Jochi Khan, has 
been completed by His grace and favor. 

Fourteenth Son of Jochi Khan — Shinggiim 

This Shinggiim had no issue. 

The sons of Jochi Khan, according to the reports of trustworthy 
persons, are these fourteen, whose names, and those of their sons and 
grandsons, have been recorded in detail, and whose genealogical 
table is as here shown. 



The [general] history of and [ particular ] episodes in his reign; 

a picture of his throne and wives 
and the princes and emirs on the occasion of his enthronement ; 

an account of his summer and winter residences 8+ 
and some of the battles he fought and the victories he gained; 
the length of his reign 

Chingiz-Khan had entrusted to Jochi Khan all the countries and ulus 
which lie in the region of the Erdish [the Irtysh] and the Altai moun- 
tains, and the summer and winter ranges in that area. He had also 
issued a yarligh that he should take possession of the Qipchaq Steppe and 
the countries that had been conquered in that direction. His yurt was in 
the region of the Erdish, and his residence was there, as shown upon 
this picture. 


Since Jochi Khan died before his father, it is impossible to record 
separately those events which refer to him personally. Accordingly, a 
brief summary is given here of his career, as it is recounted in detail 
in the history of Chingiz-Khan ; 8s an account will also be given of his 
illness and death. 

By Chingiz-Khan’ s command he always took part in his campaigns 
and had conquered and subdued many countries and provinces. 
When Chingiz-Khan set out against the Tazlk countries and came to 
the region of Otrar, he charged him with the conquest of the town and 

84 This account was apparently never written. There is only a passing reference 
(p. 1 18) to his various yurts. 

85 See Smirnova, pp. 198-201 and 214-17. 


left him there. As is recorded in the history of Chingiz-Khan, he took 
Otrar and captured and destroyed the fortress. He then returned [to 
the main army], subjugating the regions which lay across his path 
until he joined his father in the neighborhood of Samarqand. From 
thence he was dispatched by Chingiz-Khan together with his brothers 
Chaghatai and Ogetei to capture Khwarazm. When they laid siege 
to the town it was impossible to capture it because of a disagreement 
between him and Chaghatai. Chingiz-Khan ordered Ogetei to take 
command of that operation; by his competence he brought about 
agreement between the brothers, and they took Khwarazm. Chaghatai 
and Ogetei then set off to join their father, and they reached Chingiz- 
Khan before the fortress of Talaqan. As for Jochi, he set out from 
Khwarazm for the Erdish, where his heavy baggage was, and reached 
his ordos. Previously, Chingiz-Khan had ordered Jochi to set out 
upon the conquest of the northern countries, such as those of the Bular, 
Bashghird, Orus, Cherkes, and the Qipchaq Steppe, and to subjugate 
them. As [Jochi] had held back from this operation and returned to 
his own tents, Chingiz-Khan was extremely annoyed and said: “I will 
put him to death without seeing his face.” Jochi was taken suddenly ill, 
and on that account, when Chingiz-Khan returned from the Tazlk 
countries and alighted at his ordos, he was unable to present himself 
but sent several kharvars 86 of game and offered his excuses. Thereafter 
on several occasions Chingiz-Khan summoned him to his presence, 
but on account of his illness he did not come but sent excuses. Then a 
man of the Mangqut 87 people was passing through the yurts of Jochi. 
Jochi had set out and was proceeding from yurt to yurt, still ill, when 
he came to a mountain, which was his hunting ground. Being too 
weak himself, he sent the emirs of the hunt to hunt [for him]. That 
man, seeing them hunting, thought that it was Jochi. When he came 
to Chingiz-Khan the latter asked him about Jochi’s illness. He replied: 
“I know nothing about any illness, but he is hunting in such-and-such 
a mountain.” At these words, the flame of Chingiz-Khan’s anger 
flared up and he thought : “ He has surely become a rebel not to pay 
attention to his father’s words.” And he said: “Jochi is mad to commit 
such actions.” He ordered the armies to set out against him with 

86 See Glossary. 

87 On the Mongol tribe of the Mangqut, see Campagnes, pp. 167-69. 



Chaghatai and Ogetei in the van, while he himself brought up the 
rear. In the meantime, news came of Jochi’s death in the year — — — ~. 88 
Chingiz-Khan was extremely grieved. He made an inquiry, and the 
words of that person were shown to be false and it was established that 
Jochi had been ill at that time and not in the hunting ground. He 
sought for that person to put him to death, but he could not be found. 

Trustworthy ambassadors coming on various occasions from the 
ulus of Jochi stated that at the time of his death he was between thirty 
and forty, and this approximates to the truth. Some say that he died 
at twenty, but this is altogether wrong. 8 ? After his death and that of 
Chingiz-Khan, when Qa’an ascended the throne he entrusted the 
conquest of the northern countries to Jochi’s family because [of] the 
yarl'igh which Chingiz-Khan had previously issued with respect to 
Jochi; and they with the help of one another set about the task. 

Completed by the power of God Almighty. 

his death; the succession of each of them to the throne; the various 
wars which they waged and the victories which they gained; and 
other events which occurred. 

History of the succession of Batu to his father and an account of 

his reign 

When Jochi died, his second son, Batu, mounted the throne as his 
father’s successor in the ulus , and his brothers tendered their allegiance 
to him. During the reign of Ogetei Qa’an, as has been told in detail 
in his history, he was in accordance with a previous edict entrusted 
along with his brothers and other princes with the conquest of the 
northern countries. They all assembled in his ordo and set out together; 
and, as has already been described, they subjugated the greater part 
of those countries. After the return of the princes Mongke Qa’an and 

88 Blank in the mss. He died several months before his father, that is, presumably 
early in 1227. 

89 As Jochi was at least 2 years older than Ogedei, who was born in 1 184, he must 
have been approximately forty-three years of age at the time of his death. 


Giiyiik Khan, he and his brothers, as has been mentioned in the ap- 
pendix to the account of his branch of the family, set about the sub- 
jugation of the remainder of those countries. 90 

In the beginning of the year 639/1241-1 242, 91 when Ogetei Qa’an 
died, he was seized, because of his great age, with a sudden attack of 
paralysis. 92 And when he was summoned to the quriltai, he held back 
on that excuse, and because of his absence, he being the senior of them 
all, the question of the Khanate was not determined for nearly 3 years. 
The eldest of Ogetei Qa’an’s wives, Toregene Khatun, governed [the 
realm], and during this period confusion found its way into the borders 
and center of the Empire. Qa’an had made his grandson Shiremun 
his heir-apparent, but Toregene Khatun and some of the emirs ob- 
jected, saying that Giiyiik Khan was older, and they again summoned 
Batu to take part in the enthronement. Though he was offended with 
them and apprehensive because of the alarming nature of the past 
events, he set out, proceeding at a slow pace. Before his arrival and 
without the attendance of aqa and ini , 93 they arbitrarily settled the 
Khanate upon Giiyiik Khan. Giiyiik Khan was afflicted with a chronic 
disease, and on the pretext that the climate of his old yurt, which his 
father had given him, was beneficial to his condition, he set out with a 
large army for the region of Emil-Qochin. 94 When he approached this 
area, Batu became a little apprehensive. Sorqoqtani Beki, the eldest 
wife of Tolui Khan, because of the foundation of friendship that had 
been laid and consolidated between Jochi Khan and Tolui Khan and 
the families of either side since the time of Chingiz-Khan, sent the 
message that Giiyiik Khan’s coming to that region was not devoid 
of some treachery. On that account, his apprehension was increased 

and he awaited the arrival of Giiyiik Khan with vigilance and caution. 


90 See above, pp. 56-57 and 69-7 1 . 91 Actually November, 1241. 

92 Istirkha. Elsewhere (see below, pp. 1 70 and 200) his infirmity is described as 
dard-ipa , “ pain in the foot,” that is, apparently gout. 

93 See Glossary. 

94 The phrase seems to occur in the Tuan shih. It is stated in the biography of 
Siibedci that after conquering the countries north of the Caucasus he returned home, 
according to the translation of Bretschneider (II, p. 43), by way of “Ye-mi-li and 
Ho-dji,” that is, presumably Yeh-mi-li Ho-chi. Emil-Qojin, like Onan-Keliiren 
(see above. Section 2, p. 29 note 82), would appear to be the name of a region between 
two rivers, one of the rivers in this case being the Emil, while Qojin is perhaps another 
name for the Qobaq. See above, Section i,p. 19 and note 23. 



When the latter reached Samarqand, 95 from whence it is a week’s 
journey to Besh-Baliiq, he died of the disease from which he was suffer- 
ing, in the year 640/1242-1243. 96 

Again for a time the throne was without a king, and once again 
Toregene Khatun acted as regent. When the report of his illness was 
spread abroad, Sorqoqtani Beki sent her son Mongke Qa’an to Batu. 
Batu was pleased at his arrival, and perceiving the signs of power and 
greatness upon him and being offended with the sons of Ogetei Qa’an, 
he said: “Mongke Qa’an is the eldest son of Tolui Khan, who was the 
youngest son of Chingiz-Khan, and administered his ancient yurt 
and original home. This prince is extremely competent, talented, and 
fit for kingship. When he is present how can another be Qa’an, 
especially when the sons of Ogetei Qa’an have gone against their 
father’s word and not given authority to the aforesaid Shiremiin? 
Moreover, infringing the ancient yasa andj yosun, and without consulting 
aqa and ini, they put to death the youngest daughter of Chingiz- 
Khan, whom he loved more than all his other children and whose 
husband’s title was Cha’ur Sechen, although she had committed no 
crime. 97 On this account the Khanate should not go to them.” And 
he himself raised Mongke Qa’an to the Khanate, making all his 
brothers, kinsmen, and emirs tender their allegiance to him and 
sending his brother Berke and his son Sartaq, who was his heir-ap- 
parent, to accompany him with an army of 3 tiimens. In Onan-Kelu- 
ren, 98 which is the original yurt of Chingiz-Khan, they set him upon the 
throne of the Khanate and the seat of world-empire and frustrated 
the wiles of the sons of Ogetei Qa’an, who had meditated treachery. 
In short, the bringing of the Khanate to the house of Tolui Khan and 
the placing of the right in its due place were due to the competence and 
shrewdness of Sorqoqtani Beki and the help and assistance of Batu, 
because of their friendship for one another. Thereafter, until the end 

95 An old mistake for Qum-Sengir (T. “Sand Promontory”), which lay somewhere 
along the upper course of the Urungu, probably at the point where it ceases to flow 
from North to South and makes a sharp turn to the West. See Papaute, pp. 196-97, 
Campagnes, pp. 315-16, and/fkPC, p. 261, note 42. 

96 In fact, Giiyuk died in April, 1248. 

97 This was Altalun, on whom see Smirnova, p. 70. Her execution does not appear 
to be mentioned els where. 

98 See above, p. 29 and note 82. 



of his life, and, after his death, during the reigns of Sartaq and Ulagh- 
chi and the greater part of the reign of Berke, the path of friendship 
and unity was trodden between the family of Tolui Khan and that of 

It was still during Batu’s lifetime that Mongke Qa’an dispatched his 
third brother, Hiilegii Khan, at the head of large forces against the 
countries of Persia. Of the armies of the princes, he appointed two 
out of every ten men to accompany Hiilegii Khan and render assistance 
to him. Orda dispatched his eldest son, Quli, with an army of i tiimen 
by way of Khwarazm and Dihistan. Batu sent Balaqan, the son of 
Shiban, and Tutar, the son of Mingqadur, the son of Bo’al, the seventh 
son of Jochi Khan, by way of Darband. They came and rendered 
service as a reinforcement to the army of Hiilegii Khan. 

Batu died at Sarai" on the banks of the Etil in the year 650/1252- 
1253, being forty-eight years of age. 100 Mongke Qa’an received his 
son Sartaq with honor, settled the throne and the kingdom upon him, 
and gave him permission to return. He died upon the way, and Mongke 
Qa’an sent ambassadors and, having won over his wives, sons, and 
brothers, set Ulaghchi, the grandson of Batu, upon the throne and 
distinguished them all with every kind of favor. Ulaghchi too died 
after a short time and left the throne and the kingdom to others. 101 

History of the accession of Berke as ruler of the ulus of Jochi and 

the events of that period 

When Batu passed away and his son Sartaq, and Sartaq’s son 
Ulaghchi, who succeeded him, died one after the other, his younger 
brother Berke sat in his place, in the year 652/1254-1255. His rule was 
absolute within his ulus , and he continued to tread the path of friend- 
ship and affection with the family of Tolui Khan. 

In 654/1256-1257 Balaqan, who was in this country, plotted treason 
and treachery against Hiilegii Khan and had recourse to withcraft. 
An informer came forward, and he was questioned and confessed. In 

99 That is, Old Sarai (so called to distinguish it from the “New Sarai” founded by 
Berke) on the eastern bank of the Akhtuba, about 65 miles north of Astrakhan. 

100 In fact, Batu’s death probably occurred about the middle of 1255. See Horde d'Or, 

101 See above, p. 108, note 56. 



order not to cause ill-will, Hulegii Khan sent him to Berke accompanied 
by the Emir Sunjaq. When they arrived and Berke had been con- 
vinced of his guilt, he sent him back to Hiilegii Khan with the message: 
“He is guilty and is under thy authority.” Hulegii Khan put him to 
death. Shortly afterward, Tutar and Quli died also, and it was alleged 
that they had been poisoned. On this account an estrangement arose, 
and Berke became hostile to Hiilegii Khan, as shall be related in the 
history of Hiilegii Khan. 102 In Shauwal of the year 660 [July-August, 
1262], a battle was fought, and the greater part of the troops which 
had come to this country with Quli and Tutar took to flight, some of 
them by way of Khurasan; and they seized the territory from the 
mountains of Ghazna and Binl-yi Gav 103 to Multan and Lahore, which 
are on the frontier of India. The chief of the emirs that were in com- 
mand of them was Negiider. 104 Otegii-China 105 and — , 106 two 

of the emirs of Hiilegii Khan, went in pursuit of them. Others rejoined 
their homes by way of Darband. This dispute between Berke and 
Hiilegii Khan lasted the length of their lifetimes. Berke’s commander- 
in-chief was Noqai, the son of Tatar and grandson of Bo’al, a great 
warrior and fighter. When Hiilegii Khan died in his winter quarters 
at Jaghatu 107 in the year 663/1264-1265, 108 and his son Abaqa Khan 
succeeded him on the throne, the enmity between Berke and him 
continued. In the year 663/1264-1265, Berke turned back from battle 
with Abaqa Khan in the region of Shlrvan; he passed through Darband 
and died near the River Terek in the year 664/1265-1266. 

History of the accession of Mongke- Temur, the son of Toqoqan , 

the second son of Batu, as ruler of his ulus 

When Berke died, the aforesaid Mongke-Temiir was set upon the 
throne in his stead. For a time he too was in conflict with Abaqa 

102 Arcnds, pp. 59-61. 

103 “Ox’s Nose,” apparently in the vicinity of Ghazna. See Boyle 1963, p. 247, note 
74 - 

104 The Negodar of Marco Polo, from whom the bands of marauders known as 
Nigudaris received their name. See Boyle 1 963, pp. 242—43 and 247, note 74. 

105 See Boyle 1963, p. 239. 106 Blank in the mss. 

107 That is, the valley of the Jaghatu (the present-day Zarrina Rud), one of the 
four rivers that discharge into Lake Urmiya from the south. 

108 Actually on the 8th February, 1265. 



Khan; they fought several battles and Abaqa Khan gained victories 
over them. In the end, in the year 66 — , 109 they 110 were obliged to 
make peace, as shall be related in the history of Abaqa Khan, 111 
and forsook hostilities from that time onward until the reign of Arghun 
Khan, when in Ramadan of the year 687 [October-November, 1288] 
there came a great army of theirs led by Tama-Toqta. Arghun Khan 
had set out from his winter quarters in Arran for his summer quarters. 
When he heard the news of their approach, he turned back, sending 
the emirs on in advance with an army. They gave battle and killed a 
great number of their advance forces, while the remainder withdrew 
in a rout. 112 From that time until the auspicious reign of the Lord of 
Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever!) they have committed no 
further hostile action and out of weakness have chosen concord in 
preference to discord. They outwardly profess friendship and unity 
and upon every occasion send ambassadors to the Lord of Islam to 
report on events and bring gifts and presents. 

History of the accession of Tode-Mongke, the brother of Mongke- 
Temiir ; his dethronement by Tole-Buqa and Konchek-Buqa ; their joint rule; 
Toqta’s fleeing from them; and his killing them by guile with the help of 

When Mongke-Temur died in the year 681/1282-1283, after a 
reign of 16 years, Tode-Mongke, the third son of Toqoqan, ascended 
the throne in the same year. He was ruler for awhile, and then the 
sons of Mongke-Temur, Alghu and Toghril, and the sons of Tartu 
(who was the eldest son of Toqoqan), namely Tole-Buqa and Konchek, 
deposed him from the Khanate on the pretext that he was insane, 
and [they] themselves ruled jointly for 5 years. As for Toqta, the son of 
Mongke-Temur, whose mother, Oljei Khatun, was the grandmother 
of Kelmish-Aqa Khatun, they were plotting against him because they 
saw in his face the marks of valor and manliness. Becoming aware of 
their intention he fled from them and took refuge with BUlqchi, the 

i°9 Presumably 664/1265-1266. 110 That is, the Golden Horde. 

111 See Arends, pp. 68-69, where, however, there is mention only of their defeat, 
not of peace negotiations. 

1,2 See Arends, p. 127. 



son of Berkecher. He then sent the following message to Noqai, who 
had been the commander-in-chief* of Batu and Berke: “My cousins 
are trying to kill me, and thou art the aqa. I will take refuge with thee 
so that thou mayst preserve me and prevent the hand of their oppres- 
sion from reaching me. As long as I live I shall be commanded by my 
aqa and shall not contravene thy will.” When Noqai learnt of his 
plight he was filled with indigation. Setting out from the country of 

the Orus, Ulakh, 113 and , 114 which he had conquered and made 

his yurt and place of abode, on the pretense of being ill he crossed the 
River Uz'i, 115 and whenever he came upon a hazard or an emir he would 
ingratiate himself with them, saying: “The time of old age is at hand, 
and I have renounced rebellion, strife, and contention. I have no 
mind to dispute and no intention of fighting with anyone. We have a 
yarl'igh from Chingiz-Khan, which says that if anyone in his ulus and 
family goes astray and disturbs the ulus we are to investigate the matter 
and incline their hearts to agreement with one another.” When the 
hazaras and soldiers heard this advice and experienced his kindness 
toward them, they all of them yielded obedience to him. And when he 
drew near to the ordo of the aforesaid princes, he pretended to be ill, 
drinking a little blood and then bringing it up from his throat in a 
vomit, and treading the pathway of dissimulation and cajolery. He 
had secretly sent a message to Toqta bidding him hold himself in 
readiness and when he received word [to] come with Such forces as 
were at hand. The mother of Tole-Buqa heard the report of Noqai’s 
weakness and ill health, and how he was vomiting blood. She up- 
braided her sons, saying: “Speak at once with the feeble old man, 
who has bidden farewell to this world and is preparing for the journey 
into the next. If you see fit to neglect and slight him, may your mother’s 
milk be forbidden to you!” The princes, listening carelessly and 
incautiously to their mother’s words, came on a visit to Noqai. He 
said to them by way of advice: “Children, I have served your fathers 
old and young and have acquired all manner of rights. Therefore 

113 Reading AWLAX for the ARTAH of Blochet’s text. Apparently a variant 
ofUlaq or Ulagh, that is, the Vlachs. See Horde d’ Or, p. 153. 

1I4 KHRT or KHRB. Perhaps a corruption of a form LHWT, *Lahut, that is, 
the Poles. Noqai’s territory extended westward from the Dnieper to the Lower Danube 
area. See Vernadsky, p. 180. 

115 The Dnieper. 



you should listen to my disinterested words so that your discord may 
be changed into true accord. Your interest is in peace. Hold a quriltai 
so that I may give you peace.” And with every breath he brought up 
clotted blood from his throat. He had sent word to Toqta, while 
keeping the princes off their guard with his smooth words. All at once 
Toqta arrived with several hazaras, seized the princes, and immediately 
put them to death. Noqai straightway turned back and, crossing the 
River Etil, made for his accustomed yurt. And God knows best what is 

History of Toqta 1 s accession as ruler of his ulus; the outbreak of 
hostilities between him and Noqai; their warring with one another ; Toqta’s 
battle against Noqai ; Noqai’ s death 

When, with the aid and assistance of Noqai, Toqta had killed the 
aforesaid princes and was firmly established as absolute ruler upon 
the throne of Jochi, he repeatedly sent ambassadors to Noqai and, 
encouraging him with fair promises, summoned him to his presence, 
but Noqai refused to come. 

Now Toqta’s father-in-law, Saljidai Kiiregen of the Qonq'irat 
people, who was the husband of Kelmish-Aqa Khatun, had sought the 
hand of Noqai’s daughter Qjyaq for his son Yailaq; and Noqai had 
agreed. Some time after the consummation of the marriage, Qjyaq 
Khatun became a Muslim. Yailaq, being an Uighur, could not accom- 
modate himself to this and there were constant disputes and quarrels 
because of their religion and beliefs. They treated Qiyan with contempt, 
and she told her father, mother, and brothers. Noqai was greatly offended 
and sent an ambassador to Toqta with the following message: “It is 
known to all the world what toil and hardship I have endured and how 
I have exposed myself to the charge of perfidy and bad faith in order 
to win for thee the throne of Sayin-Khan , 116 And now Saljidai Kiiregen 
has authority over that throne. If my son Toqta wishes the basis of our 
relationship to be strengthened between us, let him send Saljidai 
Kiiregen back to his yurt , which is near Khwarazm.” Toqta did not 
agree. Again Noqai sent an ambassador to ask for Saljidai. Toqta said: 

116 That is, Batu. See above, p. 107, note 46. 



“He is to me like a father, tutor, and emir. How can I hand him over 
to an enemy ? ’ ’ And he refused to do so. 

Noqai had a clever and competent wife called Chiibei, who was 
constantly going to Toqta upon missions for him. And he had three 
sons: the eldest Jogc, the middle one Tiige, and the youngest Torai. 
They suborned several of Toqta’s hazaras and made them subject to 
themselves; and crossing the Etil they stretched out the hand of 
insolence and violence against the territory of Toqta and ruled it as 
absolute rulers. Toqta was annoyed and asked for the return of the 
hazaras. Noqai refused, saying: “I will send them when Saljidai, 
his son Yailaq, and Tama-Toqta are sent to me.” On this account the 
flame of discord and enmity flared up between them, and Toqta 
gathered his forces and in the year 698/1298-1299 reviewed nearly 30 
tiimens on the banks of the River Uzi. But since the Uzi had not frozen 
over that winter, he was unable to cross, and Noqai did not stir from 
his position. Toqta turned back in the spring and spent the summer on 
the banks of the River Tan. 117 

The next year Noqai crossed the Tan with his sons and wives and 
began to practise his wiles, saying: “I am coming for a quriltai so that 
I may take my pleasure with you.” And knowing that Toqta’s armies 
were scattered and that he had but few men with him, he hurried 
forward in order to fall upon him unawares. Toqta learnt of his ap- 
proach and collected an army; and they met and fought at , n8 

on the banks of the River Tan. Toqta was defeated and fled back to 
Sarai. Three emirs, Maji, Sutan, and Sanqui, deserted Noqai and 
made their way to Toqta. Toqta sent for Tama-Toqta, the son of 
Balagha, who for some time past had been the guardian and defender 
of Darband, and again mobilized a great army and went to war 
against Noqai. Noqai had not the power to resist. He turned face and, 
crossing the Uzi, pillaged the town of Qirim 119 and carried off many 
slaves. The inhabitants came to the court of Noqai and asked for the 
release of the slaves and prisoners. Noqai ordered the prisoners to be 
returned. His army became disaffected and sent the following message 

117 The Don. 

118 Verkhovsky (p. 85) reads this corrupt name as Bakhtiyar. 

119 The Crimean port of Soldaia, or Sudaq. See above, p. 55, note 213. 



to Toqta: “We are the servants and subjects of the Il-Khan. 120 If 
the king will pardon us we will seize Noqai and deliver him up to him.” 
The sons of Noqai learnt of the message and prepared to attack the 
hazaras. 121 Meanwhile the commanders of the hazaras sent someone 
to Tiige, the second son of Noqai, to say: “We have all agreed together 
about thee.” Tiige went to them, and they at once imprisoned him. 
Joge, who was the elder brother, collected his army and gave battle 
to the great hazaras. The hazaras were defeated, and one commander 
fell into [Joge’s] hands. He sent his head to the other hazard which had 
captured Tiige, and the three hundred men who formed his guard 
made one with him, made off in the night, and went to Noqai and his 

When Toqta heard of the conflict between the hazaras and the 
army, he crossed the Uzi with an army of 60 tilmens and encamped on 

the bank of the River , 122 where Noqai’sjwf was. Again feigning 

illness, [Noqai] lay down in a wagon and sent ambassadors to Toqta 
with this message: “ I did not know that the king was coming in person. 
My kingdom and army are the II-Khan’s, and I am a feeble old man 
who has spent his whole life in the service of your fathers. If there has 
been some trifling error, it is the fault of my sons. It is to be expected 
of the king’s magnanimity that he will forgive that fault.” But in 
secret he had sent Joge with a large army to cross the — — — 123 
higher up and attack Toqta and his army. However, Toqta’s guards 
caught a scout, who told them the state of affairs, and Toqta, on being 
informed of Noqai’s guile, ordered his troops to make ready and mount 
horse. Battle was joined between the two sides, and Noqai and his 

120 In the sense of subordinate to the Great Khan, this title was applied to the rulers 
of the Golden Horde as well as to those of Persia. 

121 See Glossary. 

122 Verkhovsky (p. 86) reads the name as Tarku; Spuler (1943) takes the river to be 
the Terek in the Caucasus but Noqai’s yurt lay in quite a different region, between 
the Dnieper and the Lower Danube. Taking an alternative reading of the name 
(jVRKH), we can perhaps see in it the Mongol nerge, “hunting circle,” and connect 
it with the “plain of Nerghi” in which, according to Marco Polo, the earlier battle 
between Noqai and Toqta was fought. Vernadsky (pp. 187-88) believes “that the 
name refers to the ancient fortified line between the Dniester and the Pruth rivers in 
Bessarabia and Moldavia, called Emperor Trajan’s Wall, remnants of which still 
exist.” The river, whatever its Mongol or Turkish name, would appear to be the 
Dniester, or perhaps the Bug. 

123 See above, note 122. 



sons were defeated, large numbers being killed in that battle . 124 Noqai’s 
sons with a thousand horsemen set off for the Keler and Bashgh'ird. 
Noqai was fleeing with seventeen horsemen when he was wounded by 
an Orus horse soldier in Toqta’s army. He said: “I am Noqai. Take 
me to Toqta, who is the Khan.” The man seized his bridle and was 
leading him to Toqta, when he gave up the ghost . 125 

Toqta returned to Batu’s Sarai, which is their capital, while Noqai’s 
sons wandered here and there. Seeing no profit in such a life, Tiige, 
his mother Chiibei, and Yailaq, the mother of Torai, said to Joge: 
“It is to our advantage that we abandon strife and contention and go 
to Toqta.” But Joge was frightened of this idea. He killed his brother 
and his father’s wife and wandered about with a group of followers and 
finally took refuge in a castle, the path to which was as narrow as 
Sirat , 126 or as the hearts of misers. Let us see what will happen to him 
in the end. 

Noqai had previously begun to establish friendly relations with 

Abaqa Khan and Arghun Khan. In the year 127 he sent his 

wife Chiibei with his son Torai and an emir called — — — 128 to 
Abaqa Khan and asked for his daughter 129 in marriage. Abaqa 
Khan gave his daughter to Torai, and they remained there for awhile, 
after which he dismissed them kindly. And when war and strife arose 
between Noqai and Toqta, he was always sending trustworthy am- 
bassadors to the Lord of Islam 130 ( may God cause him to reign forever!) 
to ask for help and request that he might be a dependent of this Court. 
In truth, it was an extremely excellent opportunity, but the Lord of 
Islam (may God cause him to reign forever !) , in his magnanimity, would 

124 It was fought, according to the Egyptian authorities, at a place called Kulkanllk, 
which Vernadsky (p. 188 and note 197) identifies with the Kagaml'ik, a small river 
flowing into the Dnieper near Kremenchug. 

125 According to the Egyptian authorities, the Russian soldier killed Noqai and 
brought his head to Toqta expecting a reward. The Khan ordered him to be put to 
death. “Obviously,” comments Vernadsky (p. 189), “Tokhta was indignant that 
Nogay was not given the privilege ofdying without his blood being shed.” 

126 The bridge, according to Muslim traditions, across the infernal fire, described 
as being finer than a hair and sharper than a sword. 

127 Blank in all the mss. 

128 Blank in Blochet’s text. Verkhovsky (p. 86) has simply “an emir.” 

129 “Two daughters” in Verkhovsky (p. 86). 

130 That is, Ghazan. 



not agree and refused to abuse his advantage, saying: “In the present 
time treason and ill faith are remote from chivalry, and guile and 
deceit are condemned and forbidden by reason, religious law, and the 
jasa. And although we have a great friendship for Noqai yet we shall 
not intervene in the quarrel, for the abuse of opportunities is a 
reprehensible quality, especially among great kings.” 

Toqta, being in fear and apprehension, used to send ambassadors 
with professions of friendship in order to prevent this from happening. 
And the Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever!) used to send 
for the ambassadors of both sides and would say to them to their 
faces: “I shall not intervene between you and abuse my advantage, 
but if you make peace with one another, it will be good and praise- 
worthy.” And in order to allay their suspicions he used not to go in his 
august person to Arran to pass the winter but made his winter quarters 
in Baghdad and Diyar Bakr in order that their minds might be set 
at rest. And up to the present time he is on terms of sincere friendship 
both with Toqta and with the sons of Noqai and has said on many 
occasions: “None of the aqa or ini is to stir up strife between them or 
engage in hostile actions against them. We for our part shall never 
start a quarrel or take any step that might lead to strife, lest the blame 
for some harm that might come to the ulus might rest on us.” 

It is as though God Almighty had created his pure being and radiant 
person out of sheer goodness and absolute beneficence. He is a ruler 
distinguished by his noble character and known for his equity and 
kindness throughout the world, a monarch who protects religion, 
spreads justice, musters armies, cherishes the people, is of happy omen, 
and possesses the best of virtues. May God Almighty grant him abun- 
dant years and endless ages over the people of the world and give him 
enjoyment of life and fortune and kingdom and sovereignty through the 
honor of the Chosen Prophet Muhammad and his pious family! 





On his praiseworthy character and morals ; 
the excellent biligs, parables , and pronouncements 
which he uttered and promulgated 
suck as have not been included in the two previous parts 
but have been ascertained 
on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons 


131 The text of this section is absent in all the mss, presumably because it was never 

History of Chaghatai Khan , 

the Son of Chingiz'Khan, 

which is in Three Parts 




<*i part i. An account of his lineage; an account of his wives, sons, 
and grandsons in the branches into which they have divided down to 
the present day ; his portrait ; and a genealogical table of his sons and 

part ii. The [general] history and [particular] episodes of his 
reign; a picture of his throne and wives and the princes; an account 
of his ulus and certain battles which he fought and victories which he 
gained; the length of his reign. 

part hi. His praiseworthy character and morals; miscellaneous 
events and happenings; the excellent parables and biligs which he 
uttered and promulgated; and whatever has not been included in the 
two previous parts, having been ascertained at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons. 



An account of his wives , sons, and grandsons 
in the branches into which they have divided down to the present day ; 
his portrait; 

and a genealogical table of his sons and grandsons 

Chaghatai was the second son of Chingiz-Khan, his mother, the 
latter’s chief wife and the mother of his four sons, [was] Borte Fujin 
of the Qonqirat people, the daughter of Dei Noyan, the ruler of that 
people. Chaghatai had many wives, but the most important of them 
were two. The first, Yesiilun Khatun, who was the mother of all his 
chief sons, was the daughter of Qata Noyan, the son of Daritai, the 
brother of the ruler of the Qonqirat. Borte Fujin, the chief wife of 
Chingiz-Khan, and Yesiilun Khatun, were cousins. The second was 
Togen Khatun, the sister of the aforesaid Yesiiliin Khatun, whom he 
married after Yesiilim’s death. 


branches into which they have divided down to the present day 

Chaghatai had eight sons, in the following order: first, Mochi- 
Yebe; second, Mo’etiiken; third, Belgeshi; fourth, Sarban; fifth, 
Yesti-Mongke; sixth, Baidar; seventh, Qadaqai; [and] eighth, Baiju. 

The detailed description of these eight sons is such as shall now be 
given with respect to each of them separately, with the help of God 

1 On the name, see Cleaves 1949, pp. 417-18. The original form was perhaps 
Cha’adai, as the name is always spelt in SH. Cf. the Chiaaday of Carpini and the 
Russian family name Chaadayev directly derived from Chaghatai. 



First Son of Chaghatai Khan — Mochi-Tebe 

The mother of this Mochi-Yebe was a slave-girl in the or do of 
Yesiiliin Khatun. One night she was laying the bedclothes and the 
khatun had gone out. Chaghatai pulled her to him and made her with 
child. For this reason he did not hold Mochi-Yebe of much account 
and gave him fewer troops and less territory. He had eleven sons as 

First Son — Tegiider 

It was this Tegiider who was sent from the ulus of Chaghatai to 
accompany Hulegii Khan to Persia. He remained here, and in the 
reign of Abaqa Khan [he] rose in rebellion and made for the mountains 
of Georgia, where he wandered in the forests with the emirs of Abaqa 
Khan at his heels. He was captured by Shiremiin Noyan, the son of 
Chormaghun, and brought to Abaqa Khan, who pardoned him. For 
a time he wandered about here alone and then died . 2 

Second Son — Ahmad 

This Ahmad was in attendance on Baraq. When Baraq fled across 
the river his army was scattered, and every detachment withdrew 
into a different corner. Ahmad set out for Besh-Baliq. Baraq, who 
was ill, followed him upon a litter, sending Te’iilder, who was the 
commander of a thousand, in advance. When he came up with Ahmad 
he tried to coax him to turn back, but Ahmad was violent, and in the 
end they came to blows, and Ahmad was killed. He had three sons: 
‘Umar, Mubarak-Shah, and Mo’etii. 

Third Son — Tekshi 

He had a son called Tabudughar, who had four sons: Toghan, 
Hoqolqu, Qprfqtai, and Qutluq- Temur. 

Fourth Son — Nom-Quli 
Fifth Son — Biik-Buqa 

Sixth Son — Temuder 

On Tegiider’s revolt against the Il-Khan Abaqa (1265-1284), see CHI, p. 356. 



Seventh Son — Qotan 
Eighth Son — Cheche 
Ninth Son — Chichektii 

He had two sons : Shadban and Qushman. 

Tenth Son — Ishal 

He had two sons : Qan-Buqa and Uladai. 

Eleventh Son — Toghan 

He had three sons : Qpriiqtai, Biik-Buqa, and Nom-Quli. 

Second Son of Chaghatai Khan — Mo’etiiken 

This Mo’etiiken was born of Yesiilun Khatun, and his father loved 
him more than his other children. Since Chingiz-Khan also loved him 
greatly, he was mostly in attendance on him. When he sent his father 
Chaghatai along with Jochi and Ogetei to lay siege to Khwarazm 
and was himself investing the castle of Bamiyan, this Md’etuken was 
hit by an arrow from the castle and died. Chingiz-Khan was greatly 
distressed on this account, and when he captured the castle he de- 
stroyed it utterly, put all the inhabitants to death, and called it Ma’u- 
Qurghan. 3 When Chaghatai arrived, while the castle was still being 
destroyed, Chingiz-Khan gave orders that no one was to tell him of his 
son’s death, and for several days he would say that Mo’etuken had 
gone to such-and-such a place. Then, one day, he purposely picked a 
quarrel with his sons and said: “You do not listen to my words and 
have ignored what I told you.” Chaghatai knelt down and said: 
“We shall act as the Khan commands and if we fall short may we 
die!” Chingiz several times repeated this question: “Is it true what 
thou sayest and wilt thou keep thy word?” He answered: “If I 
disobey and do not keep my word, may I die!” Chingiz-Khan then 
said: “Mb’etiiken is dead, and thou must not weep and lament.” 
Fire fell into Chaghatai’s bowels, but obeying his father’s command he 

3 In Mongol, “Bad Fortress.” Cf. Smirnova, p. 219. Juvaini (HWC, p. 133) has 
the hybrid form Ma’u-Baii'gh, in which the second element is T. baliq, “town.” 
See Horde d’Or, p. 1 10. 



exercised forbearance and did not weep. After awhile he went out 
on the pretext of some necessity and wept in secret in a corner for a 
moment or two. Then, wiping his eyes, he returned to his father. 

Mo’etiiken had four sons, in this order: Baiju, Biiri, Yesiin-To’a, 
and Qara-Hiilegii. His sons and the grandsons of these sons are 
divided into branches as set out below. 

First Son of Mo etiiken — Baiju 

He had a son called Toden, and this Toden had a son called Bojei, 
and Bojei a son ‘Abdallah. 

Second Son of Mo' etiiken — Biiri 

The circumstances of his birth have been described as follows: 
Formerly it was the custom for the wives of the ev-oghlans to gather 
together in the ordos in order to work. One day Mo’etiiken entered the 
ordo and saw a crowd of women, one of them very beautiful. He took 
her into a corner and had intercourse with her. It occurred to him that 
she might become pregnant, and he ordered her to be kept apart from 
her husband. It so happened that she did become pregnant and gave 
birth to Biiri. She was then given back to her husband. 

This Biiri was very headstrong and brave and would utter harsh 
words when he drank wine. Things reached such a pitch that during 
the reign of Mongke Qa’an, when he was drinking wine, he abused 
Batu on account of the enmity which he nourished against him. 
When Batu heard of his words, he asked for [Biiri] to be handed over 
to him. At Mongke Qa’an’s command, Mengeser Noyan took him to 
Batu, who put him to death . 4 

Biiri had five sons. 

First Son—Abishqa. This Abishqa had no issue. At the time of Ari'q 
Boke’s revolt 5 against Qubilai Qa’an, he was in the service of the Qa’an. 
He was sent to take the place of Qara-Hiilegii as ruler of the ulus of 
Chaghatai and to marry Orqi'na Khatun. On the way he was taken 
prisoner by Ariq Boke’s troops and remained with them until Asutai, 

4 Biiri had taken part in the campaign in eastern Europe and had brought back a 
number of German slaves, who appear to have been the subject of a pontifical letter 
to their master. See HWC, p. 588, note 124. 

s See below, pp. 252 ff. 



the son of Mongke Qa’an, who was allied with Ariq Boke, put him 
to death. 

Second Son — Aj'iqi. This Ajiq'i was in attendance on Qubilai 
Qa’an and is now with Temur Qa’an. He is extremely old and the 
most respected of all the princes there, possessing great power and 
authority. He has three sons, Oriig, Orug-Temiir, and Ershil Kuregen, 
who also have issue and are in attendance on the Qa’an. 

Third Son—Qadaqchi Sechen. He has five sons: Nalighu, who has 
three sons, Temur, Oradai, and Tiimen; Bughu, who has two sons, 
Dhu’l-Qarnain and ‘Alt; Buqa-Temiir, who has two sons, Orug- 
Temiir and Oljei; and Buqa. 

Fourth Son — Ahmad. He has two sons: Baba, who has three sons, 
Habil-Temur, Qabil-Temur, and Yulduz-Temiir; and Sati. 

Fifth Son — Ebiigen. 

Ended , praise be to God , the Lord of the Worlds, and blessing and peace 
upon our Master Muhammad and all his good and pure family. 

Third Son of Mbi’etuken — Tesiin-To’a 

He had three sons, in the following order. 

First Son — Mu' min. He had two sons, the first called Yebe, whose 
son is called Bilge-Temur, and the second Oriig. 

Second Son — Baraq. He had five sons: Beg-Temiir, Du’a, Toqta, 
Uladai and Bozma. 

Third Son — TascCur. He came here to tender submission in the year 
in which Abaqa Khan had gone to Herat to drive off the Qaraunas . 6 
And when Ahmad fled from Khurasan the emirs put him to death. 

Mu’min was a great drinker. As for Baraq, since he had been in 
attendance on Qubilai Qa’an and had rendered praiseworthy services 
Qubilai Qa’an commanded that he should administer the ulus jointly 
with Mubarak-Shah. When he arrived there he affected friendship for 
awhile, and then one of Mubarak-Shah’s emirs, called Bitikchi, and 
certain other army leaders made one with Baraq and deposed Mubarak- 
Shah, and Baraq became the absolute ruler. And since the frontier of 
the ulus of Chaghatai adjoined Qaidu’s territory, certain areas were 

6 On the Qaraunas, Polo’s Caraunas, also called Nigudaris, bands of Mongol 
freebooters with their main base in southern Afghanistan, see Polo I, pp. 183—96, and 
Boyle 1963, pp. 212 and 217. See also below, p. 154, note 40. 



occupied by Qaidu, [and] Baraq fought several battles with Qaidu. 
In the first, Qaidu was victorious, and when they resumed hostilities 
Qipchaq, the son of Qadaqan, of the family of Ogetei Qa’an, made 
peace between them, and they swore an oath and became anda 7 
to each other — and to this day their descendants are also anda to one 
another. They then rose in rebellion against the Qa’an and also against 
Abaqa Khan. Baraq seized their dependents within his territory, 
confiscated their property, opened the hand of tyranny and domination 
against the people, and consulted with Qaidu about crossing the Oxus 
and making war on Abaqa Khan. Qaidu, being concerned about 
Baraq’s disaffection, and being himself in rebellion against the Qa’an 
and Abaqa Khan, agreed to this in order that Baraq might be far away 
from his own kingdom. And he sent Qipchaq, the son of Qadaqan, 
and Chabat, the son of Naqu, the son of Giiyuk Khan, both of them 
nephews of Qaidu, to accompany Baraq, each of them at the head of an 
army. When they crossed the river, Qipchaq lost heart and turned 
back, and Chabat also. Baraq sent his brothers Mu’min, Yasa’ur, 
and Negiibei Oghul after him with instructions to bring him back if he 
came willingly and otherwise to hold him up with words until Jalayirtai 
should arrive and seize him. When they came up to Qipchaq he 
would not turn back. They sought to give him drink and so keep him 
occupied, but he perceived their intention and said: “This is what you 
intend. If you will go back of your own accord, well and good. Other- 
wise I will seize you and take you with me.” For fear of this they 
turned back, and when they saw Jalayirtai they said: “He has gone a 
long way and thou wilt not come up with him.” And he too returned 
with them. 

When Baraq crossed the Oxus defeated, and most of his kinsmen and 
military leaders had deserted him, he sent Yasa’ur to Qaidu with the 
following message: “The aqa and ini and those whom thou hadst 
sent did not keep faith and stand firm, but each of them turned back 
on some pretext; and the first to do so was Qipchaq. And this conduct 
was the cause of the army’s defeat.” When he had heard the message 
to the end, Qaidu asked Yasa’ur: “When he sent thee, Mu’min, and 
Negiibei after Qipchaq, did he send an army to follow you?” “No,” 

7 In Mongol, “sworn brother.” On the term and the practice, see Doerfer, I, No, 
33 (PP- M9-52). 



replied Yasa’ur. Qaidu, who knew what had happened, said: “The 
reason for your defeat is that your tongues are not true to your hearts. 
In that affair did not Jalayirtai follow you with an army in order to 
capture Qipchaq?” Yasa’ur was frightened, and Qaidu seized and 
imprisoned him. Then, after consulting his emirs, he set out as though 
to aid Baraq, hoping by some means to get rid of him. When he drew 
near there came a report that those who had gone in pursuit of 
Negubei Oghul and Ahmad, had killed them. Baraq sent a messenger 
to say: “Why has my anda Qaidu taken the trouble to come back, 
since there is no need for help?” Qaidu ignored the message, and 
arriving in the evening [he] encamped for the night all round Baraq’s 
ordo. That very night Baraq died. In the morning, since no one came 
forward, Qaidu sent someone to investigate. Baraq was indeed dead. 
Qaidu entered his ordo, performed the mourning ceremonies, and sent 
his body on to a mountain to be buried there. 

After Baraq’s death his nephew, Buqa-Temiir, the son of Qadaqchi, 
became the ruler of the ulus of Chaghatai. After his death it was given 
to Du’a, the son of Baraq, who is in alliance with Qaidu and his sons. 
Previously, when he was gradually gathering together the armies of 
Chaghatai, Nauruz , 8 who had risen in rebellion, went to him and 
Qaidu and, being familiar with the roads and general conditions in 
Khurasan, prevailed upon them to invade that province and lay 
waste Isfarayin. And because of Nauruz, much damage was done to 
these territories and many Muslims were killed, as shall be described 
in the history of the Lord of Islam . 9 Afterward, Uighurtai, the son of 
Qutluq-Buqa, fled and went to Du’a. He had a good knowledge of the 
roads of Mazandaran, and when Baidu betrayed Geikhatu and the 
emirs turned against him and put him to death and the Lord of 
Islam {may God cause him to reign forever!) came with an army and 
captured the throne of the Khanate, Du’a, guided by Uighurtai, 
availed himself of the opportunity when the army had left Khurasan 
in this direction, entered Mazandaran by way of the desert, carried 
off some of the heavy baggage belonging to the military leaders of the 
Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever!) that had been 
left in that region, and returned home. These events will be described 

8 On Nauruz, see above, Section i, p. 24, note 59. 

9 See Arends, pp. 150 and 153. 



in the history of the Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to reign for- 
ever !). 10 

On several occasions Du’a, in alliance with Qaidu, fought the 
army of the Qa’an. On the most recent occasion both of them were 
wounded, Qaidu dying of his wound and Du’a becoming paralyzed. 11 

Du’a has sons, one of whom is Qutluq-Khwaja, to whom they have 
entrusted the province of Ghaznin and the Qarauna army, which 
has long had connections with them. In the summer they sit in the 
region of Ghur 12 and Gharchistan 13 and in the winter in the province 
of Ghaznin and that area. They have constantly to do battle with 
the Sultan of Delhi, and the army of Delhi has frequently defeated 
them. On every occasion they enter the borderlands of this country, 
robbing and plundering. Bozma wished to go to the Qa’an, but Qaidu 
learnt of this and put him to death. 

Fourth Son of Mo’ e tit ken — Qara-Hulegii 

He had a son called Mubarak-Shah, and this Mubarak-Shah had 
five sons: Oljei-Buqa, who had a son called Qutluq-Shah; Boralq'i, 
who had a son called Tutluq; Horqadai; Esen-Fulad; and Qadaq. 
Ghaghatai had made this Qara-Hulegii his heir in place of his father. 
His wife was Orqi'na Khatun, who gave birth to Mubarak-Shah. 
When Qara-Hiilegii died, Alghu, the son of Baidar, who was [Qara- 
Hiilegii’s] cousin, became ruler of the ulus of Chaghatai by command of 
Ariq Boke and married Orqina Khatun. After awhile he died, and this 
Mubarak-Shah succeeded his father. Baraq now arrived, at the com- 
mand of Qubilai Qa’an. Finding Mubarak-Shah established as ruler, 
he said not a word ; he gradually gathered a scattered army about him 
and seized the rulership of the ulus. Convicting Mubarak-Shah of 
some crime, he ended by making him the supervisor of his cheetah- 
keepers. When Baraq entered Khurasan to make war on Abaqa 
Khan, Mubarak-Shah accompanied him, [at which time] he fled 

10 In the passage apparently referred to (Arends, p. 153), Rashid al-Din makes no 
mention of Du’a-but speaks only of a raid on Gurgan (not Mazandaran) by Uighurtai. 

11 See below, p. 32g. 

12 The region of Afghanistan east and southeast of Herat. 

13 The modern Firuzkuh in northwest Afghanistan. 



to Abaqa Khan. This event shall be described in detail hereafter in 
the proper place, if God Almighty so wills . 14 

Third Son of Chaghatai — -Belgeshi 15 

When Mo’etiiken, who was Chaghatai’s heir-apparent, died, 
[Chaghatai] wished to make this son his heir, but he died at the age 
of thirteen and left no issue. He then made Qara-Hiilegii, the son of 
Mo’etiiken, his heir. Peace unto those that follow Divine Guidance. 

Fourth Son of Chaghatai — Sarban 

He had two sons : Qushiqi and Negiibei. 

Fifth Son of Chaghatai — Yesii-Mongke 

This Yesii-Mongke was a great drinker. It is said that he was not 
sober long enough to give a falcon to the falconers. He had a wife called 
Naishi, who enjoyed great authority and power. Her husband being 
always drunk, she used to perform his duties. [Yesii-Mongke’s] career 
was as follows. He was on friendly terms with Giiyiik Khan, and al- 
though Qara-Hiilegii was Chaghatai’s heir-apparent, Giiyiik made 
[this Yesii-Mongke] ruler of the ulus of Chaghatai because of his 
opposition to Mongke Qa’an. Afterward, when Mongke Qa’an became 
Qa’an, he ordered Qara-Hiilegii to administer the ulus and put 
Yesii-Mongke to death. Qara-Hiilegii died en route and his wife, Orq'ina 
Khatun, put Yesii-Mongke to death and herself reigned for 10 years. 
Then Ar'iq Boke gave that ulus to Alghu, the son of Baidar, and 
when Alghu rebelled against Ariq Boke, Orqina Khatun became his 
wife, as has already been related. Yesii-Mongke had no son. 

Sixth Son of Chaghatai— Baidar 

He was a short man and an extremely good archer. It is said that 
16 joked with him once and said: “Thou art short of height. 

14 See below, pp. 152-53; also Arends, pp. 70-83. In neither passage, however, is 
there any mention of Mubarak-Shah. 

15 The remainder of the chapter is absent from Verkhovsky’s text. 

16 Blank in Blochet’s text and one ms. 



Come, let us shoot together.” He had a son called Alghu, who had 
three sons : 

First Son — -Qaban 
Second Son—Chiibei 17 

He lived and died in the service of the Qa’an. He had fifteen sons, 
whose histories will be given later: Toqta, Yasa’ur, Diikules, Ejil-Buqa, 
Nom-Quli, Nom-Dash, Aq-Buqa, Sati, Da’ud, Gambo Dorji, Chigin- 
Terniir, Jirghudai, Mingtash, and Konchek Dorji. 

Third Son — Toq-Temur 

He had two sons : Esen-Boke and Oqruqchl. 

Seventh Son of Chaghatai — Qadaqai 

His mother wasTogen Khatun. This Qadaqai had five sons: Naya, 
Buqu, Naliqo’a, Buqa-Temiir, and Buqa. 

Eighth Son of Chaghatai — Baiju 

He had a son called Mochi. It was this Mochi who was the com- 
mander of the cherig of Qarauna in the Ghaznin area. [Mochi] has a 
son called ‘Abdallah, who is a Muslim. [‘Abdallah’s] father was in that 
area and summoned him to him, and [he] sent his own son, Qutluq- 
Khwaja, there in his stead. 

17 These are the Cibai and Caban of Marco Polo, on whom see below, pp. 265 
and 300; also Polo I, pp. 262-63. 




The [ general ] history and [ particular ] episodes of his reign ; 
a picture of his throne and wives and the princes ; 
an account of his ulus and 

certain battles which he fought and victories which he gained; 
the length of his reign; 

the history of his descendants down to the present day 

Chaghatai was a just, competent, and awe-inspiring ruler. His father, 
Chingiz-Khan, said to the emirs: “Whoever wishes to learn tht yasa 
andj yosun of kingship should follow Chaghatai. Whoever love property, 
wealth, chivalrous manners, and comfort should walk in the footsteps 
of Ogetei. And whoever wishes to acquire politeness, good breeding, 
courage, and skill in the handling of weapons should wait in attendance 
on Tolui.” 18 And when he was sharing out the armies he gave him 
four thousand men, as is set forth in detail in his history in the section 
on the division of the armies. Of the emirs he gave him Qarachar of 
the Barulas people and Moge, the father of Yesiin Noyan, of the 
Jalayir people; and of the lands and yurts from the Altai, which is the 
yurt of the Naiman peoples [to the banks of the Oxus]. 19 And, in accord- 
ance with the command of Chingiz-Khan, he went forth with the 
armies, and carried out the operations with the utmost zeal and 
endeavor, and conquered the various countries in the manner already 
described. In the qoninyil, that is, the Year of the Sheep, corresponding 
to Sha‘ban of 607 of the Hegira [January— February, 1211], when 
Chingiz-Khan set out against the land of Khitai, Chaghatai together 
with Ogetei and Tolui captured five towns: Un-Ui, 20 Tung-Cheng, 21 

18 Cf. above, p. 18. 

19 Only in Verkhovsky. 

20 Yun-nei, northwest of Urot Banner in Suiyuan. 

21 Tung sheng, the modern Tokoto, in Suiyuan. 



Fu-Jiu, 22 Suq-Jiu, 23 and Fung-Jiu. 24 Then, when they had besieged and 
taken the town of Jo-Jiu, 25 he sent all three to the edge of a mountain 26 
and its environs, and they captured all the towns, provinces, and 
castles between the towns of Fu-Jiu 27 and Khuming. 28 From thence they 
went to the River Qara-Moren, and then, turning back, [they] 
captured and plundered the towns of Pung-Yang-Fu 29 and Tai- 
Wang-Fu 30 and their dependencies; and the plunder of Tai-Wang-Fu 
went to Chaghatai. 

Thereafter, in the lu y'il, that is, the Year of the Dragon, of which 
the beginning corresponds to the Dhu’l-Hijja of the year 616 [February 
-March, 1220], when Chingiz-Khan set out for the Tazik country 
and came to the town of Otrar, he left him with his brothers Ogetei 
and Tolui to lay siege to it. They took the town and thereafter captured 
Banakat and most of the towns of Turkistan and then joined their 
father in Samarqand after its fall. Then he sent him with Jochi and 
Ogetei to lay siege to Khwarazm, and since he and Jochi did not 

22 Wu-chou, the modern Wuchai, in Shansi. 

23 Shuo-chou, the modern Shohsien in Shansi. These three towns are mentioned in 
the Yuan shih (Krause, p. 30), in the same order, as having been captured by the three 
princes in 1 2 1 1 . 

24 Feng-chou, 20 li south of Kweisiu (Huhehot), in Suiyuan, mentioned in the 
Sheng-wu ch‘ in-cheng lu, 62a, as captured by the three princes in 1 2 1 1 . I am indebted 
to Dr. Igor de Rachewiltz for this reference which was made available to me in a 
letter dated the 13th April, 1966. 

25 Cho-chou, the modern Chohsien, in Hopeh. See Polo II, p. 736, where Pelliot 
points out that Cho-chou “occurs in the parallel text of Sheng-wu ch‘in-cheng lu.” 
It was captured by Genghis Khan himself in the seventh month of 1213. See Krause, 
P- 3 i- 

26 The Taihang Shan, from which, in the autumn of 1213, the princes descended 
into the North China Plain, sweeping southward through Hopeh and Honan to the 
Hwang Ho and then returning northward through Shansi to the Great Wall. See 
Krause, p. 32. 

27 Fu-chou, near Changpeh in Hopeh, captured by Genghis Khan in the spring or 
summer of 1 2 1 2 . See Krause, p. 3 1 . 

28 Reading XWMYNK with the Leningrad, British Museum, and Tehran mss. 
Apparently the Huai and Meng of the Yuan shih (Krause, p. 32) regarded as a single 
name. These two places — Tsingyang and Menghsien in northern Honan — form the 
southernmost point in the princes’ thrust. 

29 Polo’s Pianfu, that is, P‘ing-yang fu, the present-day Linfen, in Shansi. I adopt 
the reading proposed by Pelliot ( Polo I, p. 803). Blochet takes this to be T‘ung-p‘ing 
fu (Tungping) in Shantung, which, as Pelliot says, “is irreconcilable with the trend of 
the narrative.” 

30 . Polo’s Taianfu, that is, T‘ai-yiian fu (now Yangku) in Shansi. See Polo I, p. 842. 



agree, their father commanded Ogetei, though he was the youngest, 
to take command, and he, by his competence, brought about agree- 
ment between the brothers and together they took Khwarazm. Then 
Jochi went to his heavy baggage, and the others, in the summer of the 
morin 31 yil, that is, the Year of the Horse, corresponding to the year 
619/1222-1223, 32 joined their father and were received in audience at 
Talaqan. Having passed the summer in that area Chaghatai, Ogetei, 
and Tolui all three together accompanied their father in pursuit of 
Sultan Jalal al-Dln. They went to the banks of the Indus and defeated 
the Sultan’s army, while [the Sultan] himself escaped across the river. 
That summer they were engaged in conquering the countries of those 
parts and then accompanied their father back to their original yurt 
and abode. 

In the daqiqu 33 yil, that is, the Year of the Hen, corresponding to the 
year 622/ 1225-1226, 34 when Chingiz-Khan set out against the land 
of the Tangqut, who had risen in rebellion, he commanded Chaghatai 
to remain with the wing of the army behind the ordos. In accordance 
with this command, Chaghatai continued so occupied until his broth- 
ers Ogetei and Tolui, who had accompanied their father, returned: 
they then brought Chingiz-Khan’s coffin to the ordos, and, having 
jointly performed the mourning ceremonies, each departed to his 
own yurt and tents. 

And since Chaghatai had a particular friendship for his brothers 
Ogetei and Tolui, he spared no efforts to seat Ogetei upon the throne 
of the Khanate and went to great pains to have him so enthroned in 
accordance with his father’s command. Together with Tolui and the 
other kinsmen, he knelt nine times and made obeisance. And although 
he was the elder brother he used to treat Ogetei with the utmost 
respect and rigidly observe the niceties of etiquette, one example of 
which is the following. One day they were riding on easy-paced horses 
and Chaghatai, being drunk, said to Ogetei: “Let us race our horses 
for a bet.” And having made a bet, they ran a race, and Chaghatai’s 
horse, being a little faster, won by a head. At night in his tent, Chag- 
hatai was reminded of this incident and jie reflected: “How was it 
possible for me to make a bet with Qa’an and let my horse beat his ? 

31 Mo. mori(n), “horse.” 32 Actually 1222. 

33 T. taqaghuj taqighu, “fowl.” 34 Actually 1225. 



Such conduct was a great breach of etiquette. Judging by this we 
and the others are becoming insolent, and this will lead to harm.” 
And before morning he summoned the emirs and said: “Yesterday I 
was guilty of a crime of committing such an action. Let us go to Ogetei 
so that he may convict me of my crime and carry whatever is a fitting 
punishment.” And setting out with the emirs in a great throhg he 
came to the audience-hall earlier than usual. The guards reported to 
Ogetei that Chaghatai had come with a great multitude, and Ogedei, 
although he had complete confidence in him, was apprehensive of the 
situation, wondering what his motive could be. He sent some persons 
to his brother to ask him. [Chaghatai] said: “We, all of us, aqa and 
ini, spoke great words in the quriltai and gave written undertakings that 
Ogetei was the Qa’an and that we should tread the path of loyalty 
and obedience and in no way oppose him. Yesterday I made a bet and 
raced my horse against his. What right have we to make a bet with the 
Qa’an. Therefore I am guilty and have come to confess my guilt and 
submit to punishment. Whether he puts me to death or beats me is for 
him to decide.” Ogetei Qa’an was filled with shame at these words. 
He became more loving and tender and humbled himself before his 
brother, but though he sent someone to say, “What words are these ? 
He is my aqa. Why pay attention to such trifles?” [Chaghatai] 
would not listen. However, in the end he agreed that the Qa’an should 
spare his life and made an offering of nine horses. The bitikchis iS pro- 
claimed that the Qa’an had spared Chaghatai’s life, so that everyone 
heard and knew that he was making the offering because he had 
been pardoned. He then entered the or do and explained this to all 
present with the eloquence that he possessed. 

On this account the concord between them increased, and the other 
kinsmen laid their heads upon the letters of the Qa’an’ s command and 
took the road of obedience to him. And those countries which had 
not been conquered in the age of Chingiz-Khan were all subjugated 
during the reign of Ogetei Qa’an. And the sovereignty of his family 
and the state of his army were strengthened. And since Chaghatai 
lived after this manner with Ogetei Qa’an, the Qa’an made his son 
Giiyiik his attendant and placed him in his guard, where he used to 
serve him. And Chaghatai’s greatness became such as cannot be 

35 See Glossary. 



described, and he ruled over his ulus and the army that Chingiz- 
Khan had given to him; he was firmly established on the throne of his 
kingdom in the region of Besh-Bal'fq. 36 And in all important affairs 
Ogetei Qa’an used to send messengers and consult Chaghatai and 
would undertake nothing without his advice and approval. He himself 
in all matters trod the path of agreement and co-operation and in 
every decision used to say whatever occurred to him. Whenever there 
was an important undertaking he would attend the quriltai, and all the 
princes and emirs would come to welcome him; he would then enter 
the Court of the Qa’an, make obeisance and go into the inner chamber. 
During the 1 3 years that Ogetei was established on the throne, Chagh- 
atai agreed and co-operated with him in this fashion: he died 7 months 
before Ogetei Qa’an, in the year 638/1 240-1 241. 37 

death and the accession 

Of his descendants one after another till the present day 

After the death of Qa’an and Chaghatai, although Qara-Hiilegii 
was the most senior of Chaghatai’s descendants and the eldest son of 
Mo’etiiken (who during his father’s lifetime, in the reign of Chingiz- 
Khan, had been killed by an arrow before the castle of Bamiyan, 
having been the heir-apparent), nevertheless Giiyiik Khan, because 
Yesii-Mongke, the fifth son of Chaghatai, was opposed to Mongke 
Qa’an, sent him instead to rule over the ulus of Chaghatai. However, 
when Mongke Qa’an became Qa’an, he gave Qara-Hiilegu a yarligh 
commanding him to put Yesii-Mongke to death and, as heir-apparent, 
become the ruler of that ulus. Qara-Hiilegii died en route before reach- 
ing the ulus , and his wife, Orqi'na Khatun, the daughter of Torelchi 
Kiiregen of the Oirat, put Yesii-Mongke to death in accordance with 

36 That is, from Besh-Baliq westward. His main residences were in the valley of the 
Ili. See HWC, pp. 271-72; also Four Studies, pp. 1 14-15. 

37 Ogedei died on the nth December, 1241 : according to Juvaini (HWC, p. 272), 
Chaghatai survived his brother for a brief period. 



the yarl'igh and ruled herself in her husband’s stead. When Mongke 
Qa’an passed away, Qubilai Qa’an sent Abishqa, who was the eldest 
son of Biiri, the second son of Mo’etiiken, to marry Orqina Khatun 
and rule the ulus of Chaghatai in place of Qara-Hulegii. At that time 
there were hostilities between Qubilai Qa’an and Ariq Boke. He 
ordered Asutai, the son of Mongke Qa’an, to put [Abishqa] to death. 
Alghu, the son of Baidar, the sixth son of Chaghatai, was with Ariq 
Boke. He gave him ayarl'igh appointing him ruler of the ulus of Chag- 
hatai and commanding him to guard those frontiers against the army 
of Qubilai Qa’an and that of Chaghatai’s descendants and to collect 
money, provisions, and equipment for the army from the province of 
Turkistan and to send it all to him so that he might proceed with an 
easy mind to make war on the army of Qubilai Qa’an. Alghu arrived 
and communicated the yarl'igh , and established himself as ruler. 
Orqina Khatun went to Ariq Boke and made complaints about 
Alghu. She remained there for awhile, and after some time Ariq 
Boke sent envoys to those parts to levy two out of every ten cattle and 
to arrange [the supply of] great quantities of money and arms for the 
army. The names of those envoys were: Erkegiin, Buritei Bitikchi, 
and Shadl. They set off and, having delivered the yarl'igh to Alghu, 
began to collect the cattle, money, and arms in that province. When a 
certain amount had been assembled, they sent it off. In 661/1262-1263 
Alghu detained them, saying: “When the other ndkers have completed 
their task and arrived, go all together.” Some time afterward, when 
[the envoys] arrived, they rebuked the ndkers, saying: “Why did you 
delay ? ” They replied that Alghu had held them up. Thereupon they 
went to the gate of Alghu’s ordo and sent the following message: “We 
came in accordance with Ariq Boke’s yarl’igh and collected imposts. 
What authority has thou over us to hold up our ndkers ?” Being covet- 
ous of all those goods, Alghu was angered with the ambassadors’ 
sharp words and seized and imprisoned them. He then consulted his 
emirs, saying, “What is the best course of action?” They answered: 
“Thou shouldst have consulted us before seizing them. Now that we 
have risen against Ariq Boke the only course is to break with him 
entirely and render assistance to Qubilai Qa’an.” Accordingly, he 
put the ambassadors to death and retained all those goods and arms. 
His position was greatly strengthened thereby, and, Orqina Khatun 



having returned, he married her and secured absolute possession of the 
throne of the ulus of Chaghatai. When the news of this reached Ariiq 
Boke, he led an army against Alghu and they joined battle. In the 
first two encounters Ariq Boke was defeated: in the third Alghu 
was put to flight and came to Bukhara and Samarqand, where he 
seized money, arms, and animals from the rich. Ariq Boke plundered 
his heavy baggage and after the lapse of a year returned from that 
region to repel the army of the Qa’an. 

The next year, which was the year 662/1263-1264, Alghu died, and 
Orq'ina Khatun, having all the emirs and army under her command, 
installed her son Mubarak-Shah, the eldest son of Qara-Hiilegu, as 
ruler. The army continued as before to pillage and commit irregulari- 
ties; but Mubarak-Shah, being a Muslim, would not allow any violence 
against the peasants. When Ariq Boke was forced to surrender to the 
Qa’an and rebellion subsided in that region, Baraq, who was the son of 
Yesiin-To’a, the third son of Mo’etiiken, and had for a time been in 
attendance at the court of the Qa’an, was sent by him to the ulus of 
Chaghatai and given ayarligh to the effect that Mubarak-Shah and he 
were to rule the ulus [jointly]. When Baraq arrived and found Mubarak- 
Shah and Orqina firmly established and in a strong position, he did 
not show th eyarligh. Mubarak-Shah asked him why he had come. He 
replied: “For some time I have been far away from my ulus and home, 
and my people are scattered and distressed. I have sought permission 
and have come to gather my followers together and wander about 
with you.” Mubarak-Shah was pleased with these words, and Baraq 
lived with him practising craft and dissimulation whilst gathering 
military men around him out of every corner. All of a sudden an emir, 
called Bitikchi, and certain army leaders joined him. They deposed 
Mubarak-Shah, and Baraq became absolute ruler, while Mubarak- 
Shah was reduced to the position of being his head cheetah-keeper. 

Now Qaidu had been in league and alliance with Ariq Boke and had 
refused to present himself before the Qa’an, and the latter had sent 
Baraq in order to ward off Qaidu. In obedience to that command, as 
soon as he had gathered strength, [Baraq] led an army against [Qaidu] 
and they joined battle. In the first encounter Baraq was defeated. 
When they began a second battle, Qipchaq Oghul, the son of Qadan 
Oghul, the son of Ogetei Qa’an, who was a friend of Baraq, made 


peace between them and drew up a treaty; and they became anda 38 
to each other. Being now reassured and encouraged with respect to 
Qaidu, Baraq himself became firmly established on the throne of the 
ulus of Chaghatai, after which he held a quriltai, and said to Qaidu: 
“My army has increased in size and this land cannot support it. I 
will cross the river in order to seize the lands of Khurasan, and my 
anda Qaidu ought to help me.” Qaidu, wishing him to be absent 
from the region [of the ulus of Chaghatai] and being hostile to Abaqa 
Khan, gave his agreement and dispatched Qipchaq Oghul together 
with Chabat, the son of Naqu, the son of Giiyuk Khan, each with an 
army, to Baraq’s assistance. Baraq led forth his army, crossed the river, 
and encamped near Merv. And when Tiibshin, the brother of Abaqa 
Khan, gave battle, a tiimen commander called Shechektu, hearing that 
Qipchaq had come with Baraq, deserted to Baraq’s army and said: 
“I am Qipchaq’s subject and [have come] to my lord.” And he 
brought fine horses as a present for him. Thereafter Qipchaq ordered 
him to bring some horses and present them to Baraq, and Shechektu 
did so. The next day, in Baraq’s ordo, Jalayirtai said to Qipchaq: 
“Baraq has come with all these thousands of soldiers to wield his 
sword for thee.” “What does that mean,” asked Qipchaq. “What 
should it mean?” said Jalayirtai. “If Shechektu is thy subject and 
belongs to thee, why did he not come to thee for so long a time ? When, 
thanks to Baraq, he came here, thou tookest him to thy self and laidst 
thy hands on the fine horses that were fit for Baraq, whilst ordering 
him to present to Baraq the horses that were only fit for thee.” “Who 
art thou,” said Qipchaq, “to come between aqa and ini?” “I am 
Baraq’s servant,” replied Jalayirtai, “and not thine for thee to ask 
me who I am.” “When,” said Qipchaq, “has a qarachu ever argued 
with the seed of Chingiz-Khan, for a dog like thee to give me an 
unmannerly answer?” “ If I am a dog,” said Jalayirtai, “I am Baraq’s, 
not thine. See to thy own honor and keep to thy place.” Qipchaq 
was filled with rage. “Dost thou answer me thus?” he said. “I will 
cut thee in half. Will not my aqa Baraq say something to me on thy 
behalf?” Jalayirtai laid his hand on his knife and said: “If thou attack 
me I will rip open thy belly.” When matters had come to this pass, 
Baraq said not a word, and Qipchaq realized that he was on Jalayir- 
38 See Glossary and p. 140, note 7. 



tai’s side. Filled with rage, he came out of Baraq’s ordo and, having 
consulted his army, left his own ordo below Maruchuq and fled with 
the army across the river. When Baraq learnt of this, he sent his 
brothers Yasa’ur and Negiibei after him and dispatched Jalayirtai 
to follow them with three thousand horses, as has been recorded in 
detail in the appendix to the account of Baraq’s branch . 39 Then 
Chabat too fled and went to Qaidu. In short, Baraq was defeated, 
and the greater part of his troops were destroyed by the army of 
Abaqa Khan, while the few that remained were scattered far and wide. 
Baraq came fleeing to Bukhara and became ill from chagrin and 
grief. He set out in a litter to attack Ahmad Oghul, the son of Mochi 
Yebe, the son of Chaghatai, who had refused to come to his aid. And 
he gave the following message to Yasa’ur and sent him to Qaidu: “The 
princes have failed to render assistance and on that account the armies 
have been defeated. Weak as I am I am pursuing them. If my anda 
too will help we shall seize and punish them.” As has already been 
related, Qaidu arrested and imprisoned Yasa’ur. Then he advanced 
with his army, ostensibly to help Baraq [but in reality] to get rid of 
him entirely now that he was weak. Baraq, having captured and 
executed Ahmad’s men, repented of having sent for Qaidu. He sent 
someone to say: “There is no need for my anda Qaidu to trouble him- 
self; let him turn back.” Qaidu ignored the message and, advancing, 
encamped in a circle near Baraq’s ordo. As has been related in the 
account of Baraq’s branch, he died that very night, and Qaidu per- 
formed the mourning ceremonies and buried him. The emirs and 
princes who were in his ordo came to Qaidu and kneeling said: “ Hither- 
to Baraq was our ruler, but now Qaidu is our aqa and king. We shall 
serve him in whatever way he commands.” Qaidu treated them kindly. 
He distributed Baraq’s goods amongst his troops and carried them off; 
and [then he] turned back and betook himself to his ow nyurt. 

Thereafter Beg-Temur, the eldest son of Baraq, and Chiibei and 
Qaban, the sons of Alghu, rose in rebellion and went to the Qa’an. 
And Chabat, the grandson of Ogetei, with a group of emirs likewise 
went to join the Qa’an. Thereafter Mubarak-Shah, the son of Qara- 
Hiilegu, came to Abaqa Khan and was distinguished with honor and 

39 See above, p. 140. 



attention. He was appointed a commander in the army of Negiider 40 
in the Ghaznln region. 

After Baraq’s death, the rulership of the ulus was given to Negiibei, 
the son of Sarban, his cousin. 41 He reigned for 3 years, and then Qaidu 
gave it to Buqa-Temur, the son of Qadaqai, the seventh son of Chagh- 
atai, who ruled for awhile and then fell sick of alopecia ; all his hair and 
beard fell out, and he died of that disease. Qaidu then gave the ruler- 
ship of the ulus to Du’a, the son of Baraq. He is still reigning today 
but is sick and weakly, because last year 42 he and Qaidu were wounded 
in a battle with the army of the Qa’an : Qaidu died of his wound and 
Du’a was crippled by his, which is incurable. 

and Habash ‘Amid 

Chaghatai had two viziers, one called Vazir and the other Habash 
‘Amid. The history of Vazir is as follows : He was by origin from Khitai 
and had been the servant of a Khitayan physician in attendance on 
Chaghatai. After the death of that physician he became the herdsman 
of Qushuq Noyan, one of Chaghatai’s emirs. It so happened that one 
day Qushuq Noyan of the Jalayir people, who was an old and ex- 
perienced man and an authority on past events, was asked by Chaghatai 
about the history of Chingiz-Khan and which countries he had con- 
quered each year. Not being well informed, he went home and ques- 
tioned each of his dependants and they were telling him what they knew. 

40 See above, p. 123. Here follows in Verkhovsky a sentence absent From Blochet’s 
text: “And in the year when Abaqa Khan went to the town of Herat to repel the 
Qaraunas, there came to him the sons of Mubarak-Shah with all their ordus, and they 
were here [in Persia] until the end.” On the whole problem of the Qaraunas, see now 
Jean Aubin, “ L’Ethnogenese des Qaraunas,” Turcica I (1970), pp. 65-94. 

41 The relationship is rather more complicated than this, Sarban being the brother 
of Baraq’s grandfather. See Table IV in Appendix. 

42 1301. See above, p. 142, and Four Studies, p. 138. 

43 The resemblance to the Arabo-Persian vazir, “vizier,” is coincidental. The word 
is a Turkish borrowing from the Sanskrit vajra, “thunderbolt.” The weapon of Indra, 
it “was early used metaphorically to suggest immutability, permanence, and the like. 
In late Buddhism, it became the symbol of the absolute.” See Lessing, p. 1188, s.v. 
VAC 1 R. Cf. the modern Mongolian ochir with the form of the name in Juvaini — 
HJYR (Hujir in HWC, p. 272) . 



That Khitayan, who was his herdsman, was listening outside the house 
and demonstrating the truth or falsehood of the various statements in 
such a manner that it was clear to them all, and they all agreed with 
what he said. Qushuq called him in and asked him from whence he 
had acquired this knowledge. He produced a book in which he had 
recorded day by day all the past events and histories that were now 
required. Qushuq was pleased and took him to Chaghatai together 
with the book. Being extremely fond of biligs and aphorisms, Chaghatai 
approved of those words. He asked Qushuq for that Khitayan and 
made him one of his attendants. Within a short time [the Khitayan] 
acquired absolute freedom of speech in Chaghatai’s service and be- 
came honored and famous. Qa’an recognized and approved of his 
intelligence and, seeing him to be Chaghatai’s favorite, gave him the 
name of Vazir . 44 He was short of stature and of mean appearance, but 
extremely brave, quick-witted, intelligent, and eloquent, and also a 
great eater and drinker. His status became such that he sat above most 
of the emirs and enjoyed greater freedom of speech than anyone in 
Chaghatai’s service, to such an extent that one day, when Chaghatai’s 
wife interrupted him Vazir shouted out: “Thou art a woman and hast 
no say in this matter.” Again, one of Chaghatai’s daughters-in-law 
was accused [of adultery] with a certain person. [Vazir] put her to 
death without consulting Chaghatai. When [Chaghatai] learnt of this 
Vazir said: “How is it fitting that a daughter-in-law of thine should 
commit a blameworthy act and blacken the names of thy other 
womenfolk?” Chaghatai approved of his action. Now it was the 
custom in those days to write down day be day every word that the 
ruler uttered ; and for the most part they would make use of rhythmical 
and obscure language. Everone had appointed one of his courtiers to 
write down his words. The aforesaid Vazir did this for Chaghatai. 
Now Qa’an had an Uighur minister called Chingqai, and one day he 
asked Chaghatai: “Which is better, thy vizier or mine?” “Certainly, 
Chingqai is better,” said Chaghatai. One day, at a feast, they were 
both reciting biligs. Having memorized these, Vazir went outside to 
write them down. Chaghatai and Qa’an had themselves memorized 
the biligs and had recited them as a test to see whether or not Vazir 
could write them down exactly [as he had heard them]. Vazir was 
44 See above, p. 154, note 43. 



busy writing when Mongke Qa’an passed by and spoke to him. “Do 
not disturb me,” said Vazir, “until I have written down what I heard.” 
When he brought it back and they looked at it it was written down 
exactly [as they had recited it], and he had remembered it all except 
that some of the words were in the wrong order. Qa’an admitted that 
Chaghatai was in the right because his vizier was better than his own. 
As long as Chaghatai lived, Vazir enjoyed such authority in his service. 

It is said that during the reign of Ogetei Qa’an Chaghatai wrote a 
yarligh and gave some of the provinces of Transoxiana (which by the 
command of Qa’an were under the control of Yalavach) to someone 
else. Yalavach reported the matter to Qa’an and he sent a yarligh 
to Chaghatai rebuking him and ordering him to write an answer. 
Chaghatai wrote in his reply: “I acted from ignorance and without 
guidance. I have no answer that I can write, but since Qa’an has 
ordered me to write I am emboldened to write this much.” Qa’an 
was pleased and accepted this excuse; and he gave that province to 
Chaghatai as itijii , 45 Thereafter Yalavach came to visit Chaghatai, 
who rebuked and abused him. Yalavach said to Vazir: “I should like 
a word with thee in private.” And when they were closeted together he 
said to Vazir: “I am Qa’an’s minister, and Chaghatai cannot put 
me to death without consulting him. If I complain of thee to Qa’an, 
he will put thee to death. If thou wilt set matters to rights for me, well 
and good; otherwise I shall denounce thee to Qa’an. And if thou 
repeatest these words to Chaghatai I will deny them however much I 
am questioned, and thou hast no witness.” On this account Vazir 
was forced to put matters to rights. There are many stories about this 
Vazir of which only a few have been recounted. He had often said to 
Chaghatai : “ For thy sake I have left no man my friend, and when thou 
art dead none will have pity on me.” When Chaghatai died, [Vazir] 
was put to death on the charge of having poisoned him. 

As for the history of Habash ‘Amid it is as follows : He was a Muslim, 
Chaghatai’s bitikchi, and by origin from Otrar . 46 


45 See Glossary. 

46 Part II seems to break off abruptly at this point. On Habash Amid, see HWC, 
pp. 272-75. 

47 Verkhovsky has here the heading of Part III (cf. above, p. 131, note 131), of 
which the text would seem never to have been written. 

Beginning of the History of 
Tolui Khan, 

the Son of Chingiz'Khan: 

History of Tolui Khan , 

which is in Three Parts 



History of Tolui Khan, which is in three parts 

<n part x. Account of his lineage; an account of his wives, sons, and 
grandsons in the branches into which they have divided down to the 
present day; his portrait; and a genealogical table of his sons, and 
grandsons except those born of his sons who were rulers, the history of 
each of whom will be given separately. 

<*i part ii. The [general] history of and [particular] episodes in his life, 
except such as it was necessary to include in the histories of his father 
and mother of which only a summary is given ; a picture of his throne 
and wives and the princes and emirs on the occasion of his enthrone- 
ment; an account of the battles he fought, the countries he conquered, 
and the victories he gained ; the length of his reign. 

part hi. His praiseworthy character and morals; miscellaneous 
events and happenings; the excellent parables and biligs which he 
uttered and promulgated and whatever has not been included in the 
two previous parts, having been ascertained at irregular intervals, 
from various books and persons. 



Account of his lineage ; 
an account of his wives, sons, and grandsons 
in the branches into which they have divided down to the present day ; 
his portrait; and a genealogical table of his sons, 
and grandsons except those born of his sons who were rulers, 
the history of each of whom will be given separately 

Tolui Khan was the fourth son of Chingiz-Khan, the youngest of his 
four chief sons, who were called the four kultiks , 1 that is, they were 
like four pillars. His mother was Chingiz-Khan’s chief wife, Borte 
Fujin, who was also the mother of his three older brothers. His title was 
Yeke-Noyan, or Ulugh-Noyan, that is, the Great Noyan, 2 by which 
he was best known: Chingiz-Khan used to call him noker. He had no 
equal in bravery, valor, counsel, and policy. In his childhood his 
father had asked for the daughter of Jagambo, the brother of Ong- 
Khan, the ruler of the Kereit peoples, for him in marriage. Her name 
was Sorqoqtani Beki, and she was Tolui Khan’s senior and favorite 
wife and the mother of his four chief sons, who, just as the four sons of 
Chingiz-Khan, were like the four pillars of the kingdom. He had 
other wives and concubines besides her and ten sons in the order 
enumerated as follows: (i) Mongke Qa’an, (2) Jorike, (3) Qutuqtu, 
(4) Qubilai Qa’an, (5) Hiilegii Khan, (6) Ar'iq Boke, (7) Bochek, 
(8) Moge, (9) Sogetei, [and] (10) Siibugetei. 


He was born of Sorqoqtani Beki. As he was a ruler, there will be a 
separate history devoted to him, and an account of his branch will be 
given there. 

1 On kuluk, “hero,” s eeCampagnes, p. 340, and Doerfer, III, No. 1686 (pp. 653-54). 

2 See Boyle 1 956, pp. 1 46-48, where it is suggested that this title was conferred upon 
Tolui posthumously to avoid the mention of his real name. 




He was born of a wife called Saruq Khatun. He died young and left 
no issue. 


He was born of [Linqum Khatun]. 3 He had no son, only one daugh- 
ter called Kelraish-Aqa, who was married to Saljidai Kiiregen of the 
Qpnq'irat people. That emir was with the ruler of the ulus of Jochi : 
he died in the year 70 1/1 301 -1302. Kelmish-Aqa is still alive there and 
held in high esteem by Toqta and the other princes. And because she 
is of the family of Tolui Khan, she is always on friendly terms with the 
Lord of Islam and constantly sends ambassadors to inform him of the 
events that occur in that country. And through her efforts, the founda- 
tions of friendship have been strengthened between Toqta and the 
other descendants of Jochi Khan and the descendants of Tolui Khan, 
and she has put a stop to strife and enmity between them. When 
Nomoghan, the son of Qubilai Qa’an, was captured by his cousins, 
united for evil, and dispatched by them to Mongke-Temur, the ruler 
of the ulus of Jochi, Kclmish-Aqa exerted her efforts to secure his 
restoration to his father with every mark of respect along with certain 
princes and great emirs, as has been related in detail in the history of 
Jochi. As for the estrangement between Toqta, the ruler of the ulus 
of Jochi, and Noqai, the son of Tatar, who commanded the army of the 
right hand of that ulus and by whose help Toqta became the ruler, and 
the battles they fought against each other, it was all due to [Kelmish- 
Aqa’s] husband, Saljidai Kiiregen, as has been mentioned in the 
history of Jochi; 4 it ended in Noqai’s being killed and his sons’ dwin- 
dling away. 


He was born of the chief wife, Sorqoqtani Beki. As he was Qa’an, 
there will be a separate history devoted to him, and the branches of 
his children will be given there. 

3 The name has been supplied by Blochet from Berezin’s text (Khetagurov, p. 1 38) . 
See also below, Section 7, p. 3 1 2 and note 294. 

4 See above, pp. 126-27. 




He too was born of the aforesaid chief wife. He was a great king 
and the Lord of the Ascendant; and his circumstances were very like 
those of his grandfather Chingiz-Khan. And down to the present day 
there have been and are great kings of his race in the country of 
Persia and other lands. And the cream of that house and the choice 
and pick of the pillars thereof is the faith-defending king, Nasir 
Din Allah Ghazan ( may God cause him to reign forever!), the monarch 
of august glance and auspicious influence, selected from his sons in 
particular and all the princes in general. 

May the sun of fortune shine forth; may his shadow endure and 
he himself live forever ! 

An account of him and his branch will be given separately in the 
history devoted to his reign. 


He too was born of the aforesaid chief wife. Since for some time he 
disputed the throne and the Khanate with Qubilai Qa’an, and they 
were several times at war and fought battles against each other, his 
history has been included in that of Qubilai Qa’an, but the branch of 
his sons is given here. He had five sons in the following order : first son, 
Yobuqur; second son, Melik-Temur; third son, Qutuqa; Fourth 
son, Tamachi; [and] fifth son, Naira’u-Buqa. 


He was born of 5 Khatun and had many wives and concubines, 

by whom he had sons. The one who succeeded him was called Sebilger, 
because he had a hundred sons . 6 At the present day they are at the 
court of Temur Qa’an, and their names are not properly known: 
such as have been ascertained so far are recorded below. 

5 Blank in all the mss. 

6 Rashid al-Din has evidently confused Sebilger with his son, Ja’utu (see note 7 
below), whose name, as read by the historian’s informants, means literally “He 
who has a hundred.” 



Sayin-Bugha. He has two sons : Dashman and Ila’udar. 

Ja’utu . 7 He has one son : Tore-Temiir. 

Tekshi. Nothing is known of his children. 

Tiibshin. He has four sons: Biiltecher, Siit, Bektei, and Boralgh'i. 


He had two sons: first son, Chingtiim [and] second son, Ebiigen. 


He was born of 8 and had one son called Toq-Temur, who 

was extremely brave and a very good archer. In battle he rode a grey 
horse and used to say: “People choose bays and horses of other colors 
so that blood may not show on them and the enemy not be encouraged. 
As for me, I choose a grey horse, because just as red is the adornment 
of women, so the blood of a wound on a rider and his horse, which 
drips on to the man’s clothes and the horse’s limbs and can be seen 
from afar, is the adornment and decoration of men.” Because of his 
great bravery his brain was full of rebellion. When Qubilai Qa’an 
sent Nomoghan against Qaidu along with [other] princes at the head 
of the army of Deresii , 9 this Toq-Temur was with them, and it was 
he who incited the other princes to seize Nomoghan, as shall be related 
in the history of Qubilai Qa’an. 


Here is the portrait of Tolui Khan, also the genealogical table of 
his descendants . 10 

7 His name, in fact, as appears from the Yuan shih, was Yaqudu, Ja’utu and Yaqudu 
being identical in the Uighur script. SeeChapitreCVJI, p. tot. 

8 Blank in the mss. 

9 See above, Section 2, p. 103, note 25. 

10 In the original ms the table is given directly following this sentence. 




The [ general ] history of and [particular] episodes in his life 
except such as it was necessary to include 
in the histories of his father and mother , of which only a summary is given; 
a picture of his throne and wives 
and the princes and emirs on the occasion of his enthronement ; 
an account of the battles he fought and the victories he gained; 
the length of his reign 

lifetime; his attendance upon the latter, his fighting of battles and 
conquering of towns 

Tolui Khan was for the most part in attendance on his father, and 
Chingiz-Khan used to consult him on all occasions on matters of 
general and particular importance, calling him his ndker. The yurt, 
ordos, property, treasury, irakhta, 11 emirs, and private army of Chingiz- 
Khan all belonged to him, for it has been the custom of the Turks 
and Mongols from ancient times for [the ruler] during his lifetime to 
send out his elder sons [into the world] after dividing amongst them 
his property, herds, flocks, and followers, and what then remains goes 
to the youngest son, whom they call otchigin, that is, the son who is 
attached to the fire and hearth of the house, referring to the fact that 
the house is founded thereon. In the original Turkish, the term is 
composed of ot, “fire,” and tegin, “emir,” meaning “emir or lord of 
the fire .” 12 Since tegin is difficult to pronounce in the Mongol dialect, 
they say otchigin and some of them otchi, but the original and correct 
form of the expression is as has been stated. 

11 That is, cavalry. See Doerfer, II, No. 638 (pp. 1 78-81 ). 

12 This etymology is rejected by Doerfer (I, pp. 156-58). 



Chingiz-Khan had thought of setting him upon the path to the 
Khanate and the throne of kingship and making him his heir-apparent, 
but he said: “Thou wilt be better off and easier of mind with the 
administration of my yurt, ordo, army, and treasury, and in the end, 
when thou shait have a large army, thy children will be stronger and 
more powerful than all the other princes.” And, indeed, since he 
perceived the signs and marks of fortune upon them, it occurred to his 
mind that in the end the Khanate would be settled upon them, as all 
have seen [come to pass]. All the armies and commanders of tiimens 
and hazaras, of the right and left hand, have been enumerated at the 
end of the history of Chingiz-Khan. From thence it may be ascertained 
what he gave to the other sons and brothers and which these were; 
and whatever he did not so distribute all belonged to Tolui Khan. 
And that army and those emirs still belong, by way of inheritance, 
to the descendants of Tolui Khan, as one may see with one’s own eyes, 
except such as have, on account of rebellions, been dispersed against 
their will upon every side under the control of various princes; the 
remainder are some of them in attendance on the Qa’an and some in 
the service of the Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever !) . 

Tolui Khan was a great winner of battles, and no prince conquered 
as many countries as he. A summary will be given of all that occurred 
during his father’s lifetime, and something will be told of what hap- 
pened afterward. When Chingiz-Khan went to war against the country 
of Khitai, he came to the town of Tayanfu , 13 which is extremely large. 
There was a great throng of people within it, strong and powerful, 
such that none dared approach it. Chingiz-Khan dispatched Tolui 
Khan along with Chigii Kiiregen, the son of Alchu Noyan, of the 
Qonqi'rat people, at the head of an army. Giving battle, they mounted 
the walls and took the town. Afterward he besieged and took the town 
of Joju 14 and then sent armies to the right and left under his elder sons 
and the emirs, while he himself with Tolui Khan advanced in the 

13 That is, T‘ai-yuan (the modern Yangku). See above, Section 3, p. 146 and note 
30. Here, however, it is a mistake for T6-hsing fu, that is, the modern Paonan, south 
of Suanhwa in northern Shansi, a town captured in the seventh month of 1213, a 
month earlier than T‘ai-yuan; Tolui and Chigii were the first to scale the walls. 
See Krause, pp. 3 1 and 32. 

14 Cho-chou, the modern Chohsien, in Hopeh. See above, p. 146 and note 25. 



middle, which they call qol, up to the town of Bi-Jiu. 15 Every town 
and country which lay across their path they conquered and laid 
waste. The plunder of the town of Jing-Din-Fu, which is one of the large 
towns of Khitai and is called Chaghan-Balghasun 16 by the Mongols, 
went to Tolui Khan. And the plunder which Tolui Khan obtained 
from that country and which has been inherited by his descendants in 
Khitai, the Qipchaq Steppe and the other lands, is all exactly specified. 
Such goods and treasures as are still in Khitai and belong to the share 
of Hulegii Khan and his descendants, the Qa’an has ordered to be 
registered and kept until they have the means and opportunity to 
send them. 

After they returned from the countries of Khitai, Chingiz-Khan 
set out for the Tazlk country. When he came to Otrar, he left Jochi, 
Chaghatai, and Ogetei to besiege and capture it, while Tolui Khan 
accompanied him to Bukhara. They took it and proceeded from thence 
to Samarqand, which they conquered with all the [neighboring] 
country. From thence they came to Nakhshab and Tirmidh, and from 
Temiir-Qahalqa, 17 which is in the region of Badakhshan, he sent 
Tolui Khan to conquer the province of Khurasan. [Tolui] set out and 
in the winter captured Merv, Maruchuq, Sarakhs, Nishapur, and all 
that region within the space of 3 months. In the spring, at the command 
of Chingiz-Khan, he returned from Nishapur and on the way captured 
Quhistan and all that region as well as Herat. He joined Chingiz- 
Khan at Talaqan when he had just taken the castle and was engaged 
in destroying it. That same summer, together with his brothers 
Chaghatai and Ogetei, he accompanied his father in pursuit of Sultan 
Jalal al-Dln to the banks of the Indus. They defeated the Sultan’s 
army, and [the Sultan] himself fled across the river. Returning thence 
they came to their ancient jwf and their ordos. 

15 Probably to be read Pei-Jiu and identified with P‘ei, the modern Peichow, in 
northern Kiangsu, mentioned in the Yuan shih (Krause, p. 32) amongst the eleven 
towns north of the Hwang Ho still uncaptured at the end of 1 2 1 3. 

16 Polo’s Achbaluch, that is, T. Aq-Baliq, which, like the Mongol name, means 
“White Town.” Jing-Din-Fu is Cheng-ting fu (Chengting in Hopeh). See Polo /, 
pp. 8-9. 

17 “Iron Gate.” On the name, see above. Section 1, p. 61, note 260. It is here 
applied, not of course to Darband, but to the pass, some 55 miles south of Shahr-i 
Sabz in Uzbekistan, known today as the Buzghala Defile. 



Afterward, when Chingiz-Khan went to war against the Tangqut 
country, he left Chaghatai with an army at the rear of the ordos to 
defend them, and Ogetei and Tolui both accompanied him until 
he was overcome by an illness. As is related in detail in his history , 18 
he spoke in private with both sons and, having made his will, sent them 
back. They returned to their country and dwelling places, and he 
died on that campaign. 

his father’s death; how he became settled in his father’s original yurt 
and residence; his concord with his brothers; the battles he fought 
and the victories he gained ; his latter end 

Tolui Khan, in obedience to his father’s command, returned from 
the Tangqut country in the company of his brother Ogetei, who by 
virtue of Chingiz-Khan’ s testament was the heir-apparent, and came to 
his dwelling-place and ordos. Chingiz-Khan died shortly afterward, 
and when they had brought his coffin to the ordos and performed the 
mourning ceremonies, the other brothers and princes and everybody 
else departed to their accustomed yurts and Tolui Khan sat firmly 
upon the throne of kingship in the original yurt, where Chingiz- Khan’s 
residence and his great ordos were situated. 

His concord with his brothers and his battles and victories after 

his father's death 

After his father’s death Tolui Khan rendered such services and 
showed such attentions to his brothers and the aqa and ini that they 
were all of them grateful to him. Most of the time he was in attendance 
on Ogetei Qa’an and made great efforts to ensure his elevation to the 
Khanate. When Ogetei Qa’an went to war against Altan-Khan, he 
made for Namging in the land of Khitai on the banks of the Qara- 
Moren and sent Tolui Khan by another route. He proceeded by 
way of Tibet and passed through a province of Khitai, the people of 
which are called Hulan-Degeleten, that is, the people who wear red 

18 Smirnova, p. 232. 



coats. And since the road taken by Qa’an was long, Tolui Khan twisted 
and turned and traveled slowly until the next year. His men were left 
without provisions, and things came to such a pass that they ate the 
flesh of human beings and dead animals, and dry grass. Forming a 
jerge, he came down on to the plain, and at a place which they call 
Tungqan Qahalqa they came face to face with the main army of 
Altan-Khan. Tolui Khan, as has been recounted in detail in the history 
of Qa’an , 19 exerted great efforts so that by excellent strategy he 
defeated all that great army, which was twice the size of his own; 
then, finding a ford over the Qara-Moren, which had never been 
forded before, [he] crossed it and, triumphant and victorious, joined 
his brother. Qa’an was greatly pleased and delighted at his arrival. 
He praised his brother, and they feasted and celebrated because of 
their rejoicing. 

His latter end and the cause of his illness and death 

After Tolui Khan had returned from the aforesaid war he came to his 
brother Ogetei. Having been engaged in that campaign for some 
considerable time, Qa’an had left Toqolqu Cherbi with a great army 
to finish with Altan-Khan and had returned home. Tolui Khan ac- 
companied his brother. It so happened that Qa’an was overtaken with 
an illness and, as is their custom, the qams had gathered together and 
exercising their craft had made a spell for his illness and were washing 
it in water. It was at this juncture that Tolui Khan arrived. In earnest 
supplication he turned his face toward the heavens and said: “O 
great and eternal God, if Thou art angry because of sins, my sins are 
greater than his, and I have killed more men in battle, and carried 
off their wives and children, and enslaved their mothers and fathers. 
And if Thou wishest to take Thy servant to Thee because of his fairness 
of face, elegance of stature, and many accomplishments, then I am 
more fitting and suitable. Take me instead of Ogetei, and cure him 
of this sickness, and lay his sickness upon me.” He uttered these words 
with all possible earnestness and, taking the cup of water in which the 
qams had washed the spell for Qa’an’s sickness, he drank it down. By 
divine providence Qa’an recovered, and Tolui Khan, having taken 

19 See above, pp. 33-38. 



leave, set out earlier [than he had intended] to join his heavy baggage. 
On the way thither he fell ill and died in the moghai yil, that is, the 
Year of the Snake, corresponding to the months of the year 630/1232- 
1233. A s f° r th e best descendants, the Lord of Islam, Ghazan 

Khan ( may God cause him to reign forever !), who is the cream of all the 
sultans of the world, may God Almighty make him the heir to eternal 
life and cause him to enjoy for ever and ever a broad kingdom and an 
ample sultanate, by the grace of the Prophet and his good and pure 
descendants ! 

Beki, and his sons after his death until the time when they became 
qa'ans and rulers through the efforts and endeavors of their mother and 
as the result of her ability and intelligence 

After the death of Tolui Khan his sons together with their mother 
were in attendance on Ogetei. He greatly honored and respected them 
and used to grant their petitions immediately. One day Sorqoqtani 
Beki asked Qa’an for one of the ortaqs. He made difficulties about it, 
and Sorqoqtani Beki wept and said: “He that was my longing and 
desire, for whom did he sacrifice himself? For whose sake did he die?” 
When these words reached Qa’an’s ear he said “Sorqoqtani Beki 
is right.” And he begged her pardon and granted her request. She was 
extremely intelligent and able and towered above all the women in the 
world, possessing in the fullest measure the qualities of steadfastness, 
virtue, modesty, and chastity. Thanks to her ability, when her sons 
were left by their father, some of them still children, she went to great 
pains in their education, teaching them various accomplishments and 
good manners and never allowing the slightest sign of strife to appear 
amongst them. She caused their wives also to have love in their hearts 
for one another, and by her prudence and counsel [she] cherished and 
protected her sons, their children and grandchildren, and the great 
emirs and troops that had been left by Chingiz- Khan and Tolui Khan 
and were now attached to them. And perceiving her to be extremely 
intelligent and able, they never swerved a hair’s breadth from her 
command. And just as, when Chingiz-Khan was left an orphan by 



his father, his mother, Ho’eliin Eke, trained him and all the army, 
sometimes even going into battle herself and equipping and maintain- 
ing them until Chingiz-Khan became independent and absolute, 
and attained to the degree of world-sovereignty, and accomplished 
great things thanks to his mother’s endeavors, so too Sorqoqtani Beki 
followed the same path in the training of her children. It is said, 
however, that in one respect she was more long-suffering than the 
mother of Chingiz-Khan and won the palm from her for constancy. 
After a time Chingiz-Khan gathered from a cryptic remark of his 
mother that she wanted a husband and he gave her in marriage to 
Menglik Echige. [In the same way] Ogetei Qa’an sent for Sorqoqtani 

Beki to give her in marriage to his son Giiyiik and sent 20 as his 

ambassador in this affair. When he had delivered Qa’an’s yarligh, 
she answered: “How is it possible to alter the terms of the yarligh? 
and yet my thought is only to bring up these children until they 
reach the stage of manhood and independence, and to try to make them 
well mannered and not liable to go apart and hate each other so that, 
perhaps, some great thing may come of their unity.” Since she had no 
mind for Giiyuk Khan and had rejected that, proposal by this excuse, 
no doubt was left that she did not wish to marry. On this account she 
was considered superior to Ho’eliin Eke, the mother of Chingiz-Khan. 

During the reign of Ogetei Qa’an, after Tolui Khan’s death, two 
hazaras of Siildiis, part of the army belonging to Tolui Khan and his 
sons, were given by [Ogetei] to his son Koten on his own authority 
without consulting the aqa and ini. The tixmen and hazara commanders 

who had been connected with Yeke-Noyan, such as 21 when 

they learnt of this action, made a joint statement before Sorqoqtani 
Beki, Mongke Qa’an, and their aqa and ini, to this effect: “These 
two hazaras of Siildiis troops belong to us by virtue of the yarligh of 
Chingiz-Khan, and now he is giving them to Koten. How can we allow 
this and in so doing contravene the edict of Chingiz-Khan? We shall 
make representations to the Qa’an.” Sorqoqtani Beki replied: “What 
you say is true, but we have no shortage of possessions, whether in- 
herited or acquired, and are in no kind of need. The army and we 
ourselves all belong to the Qa’an : he knows what he is doing, and it is 
for him to command and for us to submit and obey.” And when 

20 Blank in all the mss. 21 Blank in all the mss. 


Sorqoqtani Beki spoke thus, the commanders were silenced, and all 
who heard approved. 

There is no doubt that it was through her intelligence and ability 
that she raised the station of her sons above that of their cousins and 
caused them to attain to the rank of qa’ans and emperors. The main 
reason that her sons became qa’ans was as follows. When Ogetei 
Qa’an died, Toregene Khatun did not allow Shiremiin, who by 
virtue of his will was heir-apparent, to become qa’an , but ruled for 
awhile herself. When she set up her eldest son Giiyiik Khan as Emperor, 
Batu, who was the senior of them all, did not attend on the excuse 
that he was suffering from gout. Giiyiik Khan was offended at this 
and in his heart was meditating an act of treachery against Batu. 
On the pretext that the climate of Emil was good for his sickness, he 
set out in that direction. Sorqoqtani Beki, learning of his intention, 
secretly sent a message and warned Batu. Shortly afterward Giiyiik 
died, and the sons and kinsmen of Ogetei Qa’an wished to set up 
Shiremiin as Qa’an, but first they sent to summon Batu. He said: 
“I am suffering from gout. It would be better for them to come to me.” 
Toregene Khatun and the family of Ogetei Qa’an objected to this 
suggestion saying : “ Chingiz-Khan’s capital is here : why should we go 
thither?” Now Batu was old and honored and the eldest of all the 
princes; and his was the right to nominate a new ruler. Sorqoqtani 
Beki said to her eldest son Mongke Qa’an: “The others will not go 
to Batu, and yet he is the senior of them all and is ill. It is for thee to 
hasten to him as though upon a visit to a sick bed.” In obedience to 
his mother’s command he proceeded thither and Batu, in gratitude 
for this gesture and in consideration of previous obligations, swore 
allegiance to him and set him up as Qa’an. Now, as has already been 
mentioned, Sorqoqtani Beki, because of her ability, had not begrudged 
Koten the Siildiis troops, and he was in consequence on terms of 
friendship with them. When, therefore, the descendants of Ogetei 
Qa’an disputed the Khanate with Mongke Qa’an and meditated 
guile and treachery against him, Koten was in alliance with him and 
rendered him assistance. And when Koten died, Mongke Qa’an settled 
the troops that he had with him in the Tangqut country upon his sons, 
whom he always treated with respect and honor. The same arrange- 
ment continues till the present day, and these troops now belong to 



Oljeitii Qa’an . 22 These matters will be recounted in detail in the 
history of Mongke Qa’an, if God Almighty so wills. Praise be to God, 
the Lord of the Worlds, and blessings and peace upon our Master Muhammad 
and all his holy family / 23 

22 That is, Temur Oljeitii (1294-1307), the grandson and successor of Qubilai. 

23 Here, in Verkhovsky, follows the heading of Part III (cf. above, pp. 131 and 
1 56) with a note to the effect that the text is absent from all the mss. 

History of Giiyiik Khan , 

the Son of Ogetei Qa’an, the Son of Chingiz'Khan 




<*i part i. An account of Guyiik himself and a detailed account of 
his wives and the branches into which his descendants have divided 
down to the present time. (Since his genealogical table was included 
in this history of his father it is omitted here.) 

part n. The [general] history of and [particular] episodes in his 
reign ; a picture of his throne and wives and the princes and emirs on 
the occasion of his ascending the throne of the Khanate; an account 
of the battles he fought and the victories he gained; the events leading 
up to his accession. 

< 9i part hi. His praiseworthy character and morals; the excellent 
biligs, parables, and pronouncements which he uttered and promul- 
gated; such events and happenings as occurred during his reign and 
have not been included in Part II, the information having been ac- 
quired on separate occasions and at irregular intervals from various 
books and persons. 

1 Or Kiiyiik. On the name, see Polo I, 570. 



An account of his lineage ; 

a detailed account of his wives and the branches into which 
his sons and grandsons have divided down to the present day 
(As for his genealogical table , 
it has been included in that of his father ) 2 

Giiyiik Khan was the eldest son of Ogetei Qa’an, being born of his 
senior wife Toregene Khatun. He had many wives and concubines, 
the most senior being Oghul-Qaimish, and three sons, the name of the 
eldest being Khwaja Oghul and that of the second Naqu, both born 
of Oghul-Qaimish. Naqu had a son called Chabat. When Baraq 
crossed the river to make war on Abaqa Khan, Qaidu had sent this 
Chabat with a thousand horsemen, that were part of his private army, 
to accompany Baraq as an auxiliary force. He fell out with Baraq and 
turned back. When he reached Bukhara he was attacked by Beg- 
Temiir and fled with nine horsemen and went to Qaidu by way of the 
desert. He became ill with fear and died. Giiyuk Khan’s third son 
was called Hoqu. He was born of a concubine and had a son called 
Tokme, who had a son also called Tokme, who is now disputing the 
kingdom with Chapar, the son of Qaidu, and refuses to obey him. 
Khwaja Oghul had no known son. The genealogical table of these 
sons was included in the history of Ogetei Qa’an . 3 

2 See above, pp. 19-20. 3 See above, p. 20. 




The [ general ] history of and [particular ] episodes in his reign ; 
a picture of his throne and wives and the princes and emirs 
on the occasion of his ascending the throne of the Khanate ; an account of 
the battles he fought 
and the victories he gained 


When Ogetei Qa’an passed away, his eldest son, Giiyiik Khan, 
had not yet returned from the Qipchaq campaign. Moge Khatun 
too died shortly afterward, and Toregene Khatun, who was the mother 
of the eldest sons, making use of all the arts of diplomacy, seized 
possession of the kingdom by herself without consulting aqa and ini 
and wooed the hearts of kinsfolk and emirs with all manner of gifts 
and presents until they all inclined toward her and came under her 
control. Meanwhile, Chinqai and the other ministers and viziers of 
Qa’an continued in office, and the governors on every side remained 
at their posts. Having been offended by certain persons during Qa’an’s 
reign, and these feelings of resentment [having been] rooted in her 
heart, she resolved, now that she was absolute ruler, to wreak vengeance 
upon each of those persons. She had an attendant called Fatima, who 
had been carried off from Meshed at the time of the conquest of 
Khurasan. She was extremely shrewd and competent and the con- 
fidant of the khatun and the repository of her secrets. Great men upon 
every side used to make her their intermediary in the conduct of 
important affairs. In consultation with that attendant, Toregene 
Khatun dismissed emirs and pillars of state who had been appointed 
to high office during the reign of Qa’an and appointed a crowd of 
fools in their place. They tried to arrest Chinqai, who was Qa’an’s 
chief vizier, but he learnt of their intention and, fleeing to Koten, 



took refuge in his protection. Fatima had an old grudge against 
Mahmud Yalavach, whom Qa’an had appointed sahib-divan. Biding 
her time, she nominated a man called ‘Abd al-Rahman in his stead 
and sent Oqal Qorchi along with him as ambassador to arrest Yalavach 
and bring him back with his nokers. When the ambassadors arrived, 
Yalavach came in with a cheerful face and performed the ceremonies 
of honor and respect. For 2 days he detained them with acts of kind- 
ness saying, “Today, let us drink a draught and tomorrow we will 
hear the terms of the yarl’igh .” But in secret he was preparing for 
flight. Oqal Qorchi ordered his nokers to be arrested and imprisoned. 
Yalavach instructed them to make an outcry against him and exclaim : 
“We are informers against Yalavach. For what crime have you 
arrested and imprisoned us? We have prayed to God for such a day 
as this.” On the third night, Yalavach plied the ambassadors with 
drink until he had made them completely intoxicated and put them 
to sleep. Then he fled with a few horsemen to Koten and was secure 
from their evil. Both he and Chinqai made Koten their asylum and 
were enveloped in his favor. The next day, when Oqal Qorchi learnt 
of Yalavach’s flight, he released the nokers from their bonds and set 
off in pursuit of Yalavach. When he came to Koten he delivered his 
mother’s edict that Yalavach was to be arrested and brought back. 
At his heels there came another messenger on the same errand. Koten 
said: “Tell thy mother: ‘The kite that takes refuge in a thicket from 
the talons of the falcon is safe from its enemy’s fury. Since these men 
have sought refuge with us, to send them back is remote from the rules 
of chivalry. A quriltai is shortly to be held. I shall bring them thither 
myself, and their crime can be investigated in the presence of kinsmen 
and emirs and they can be punished and chastised accordingly.”’ 
She sent messengers several times again, and Koten excused himself 
in the same manner. And when the Emir Mas'ud Beg, who was 
governor of the countries of Turkistan and Transoxiana, observed this 
state of affairs he too thought it inadvisable to remain in his own 
territory and saw fit to hasten to the Court of Batu. And Qara Oghul 
and Orq'ina Khatun and some others of Chaghatai’s wives had sent 
Qurbagha Elchi along with the Emir Arghun Aqa into Khurasan 
to arrest Korgiiz. When the Emir Arghun brought Korgiiz and he 
was put to death, he was sent to Khurasan as Korgiiz’s successor. 



In that time of interregnum and confusion, everyone sent ambassa- 
dors in every direction and broadcast drafts and assignments; and on 
every side they attached themselves to parties and clung to such 
protection, each with a different pretext — except only Sorqoqtani 
Beki and her sons, who kept to the path of thej vasa and did not swerve 
a hair’s breadth from the great yosun. As for Toregene Khatun, she 
had sent ambassadors to the East and West of the world to summon 
the princes, the sons of Chaghatai, the emirs of the right and left hand, 
the sultans, maliks, great men, and sadrs and invite them to the quriltai. 

Meanwhile, the field was still clear, Giiyiik Khan not having re- 
turned, and Otchigin Noyan, the brother of Chingiz-Khan, thought 
to seize the throne by force and violence. With this intention he set 
out for the ordo of Qa’an at the head of a large army and with much 
gear and equipment. On that account the whole army and ulus were 
filled with alarm. Toregene Khatun sent a messenger to say: “We 
are thy kelins 4 5 and have set our hopes on thee. What is the meaning 
of thy coming with an army and so much gear and equipment? The 
whole ulus and army have been disturbed.” And she sent Otchigin’s 
son *Orutai, s who had been in attendance on Qa’an, along with 

Mengli Oghul, the grandson of , 6 at the head of his people and 

followers to approach him the second time. Otchigin repented of his 
design and excused himself with the pretense that some disaster had 
befallen him and he was in mourning. In the meantime, there came 
tidings of Guyiik Khan’s arrival at his ordo on the bank of the Emil, 
whereupon his repentance increased and he returned to his own home 
andj yurt. 

In short, for nearly 3 years the throne of the Khanate was under the 
control of Toregene Khatun; her writ ran throughout the Empire and 
she displaced all the great officers because no quriltai was held as the 
princes did not appear and meet together. And when Guyiik Khan 

4 T. kelin , “daughter-in-law.” 

5 AWTAY in the Tashkent and Istanbul mss, the Wo-lu-t‘ai (Orutai) of the Yuan 
shih ( Chapitre CVII, p. 35), according to which he was Temiige-Otchigin’s seventh 
son. He is not mentioned in Juvaini’s briefer account of Temiige’s rebellion (HWC, 
p. 244). 

6 There is a blank in all the mss (though not in those of Juvaini). Melik or Mengli 
was the son of Ogedei and therefore the grandson of Chingiz-Khan. See above, p. 
28 ; also HWC, p. 244, note 1 5. 



came to his mother he took no part in affairs of state, and Toregene 
continued to execute decrees until the Khanate was settled upon her 
son. Two or three months later Toregene Khatun died. 

An ‘Alid from Samarqand called Shlra, the cupbearer of Qadaq , 7 
hinted that Fatima Khatun had bewitched Koten and caused him to 
be indisposed. When Koten’s illness grew worse, he sent a messenger 
to his brother Giiyiik Khan to say that he had been attacked by that 
illness because of Fatima’s sorcery and that if anything happened to 
him Giiyiik should seek retribution from her. Following [on this 
message] came news of Koten’s death. Chinqai, who was again a 
person of authority, reminded [his master] of that message, and when 
Giiyiik Khan ascended the throne, his first act was to hold a trial at 
which Fatima was questioned. She confessed after being beaten and 
tortured, her lower and upper orifices were sewn up, and she was 
thrown into the river. Her dependants perished also. 

After Giiyuk Khan’s death, ‘All Khwaja of Emil accused the afore- 
said Shira the ‘Alid of the same crime, saying that he was bewitching 
Khwaja Oghul. He was cased into bonds and because of torture and 
all manner of unendurable questioning despaired of his life. He con- 
fessed to a crime which he had not committed, and he too was flung 
into the river and his wives and children put to the sword. 

After the throne of the Khanate had, in a happy and auspicious 
hour, been honored with the accession of Mongke Qa’an, he set 
*Biirilgitei 8 over the region of Besh-Baliq. When Khwaja was brought 
to him, he sent a messenger to fetch ‘Ali Khwaja, who was one of his 
courtiers. Someone else accused him of the same crime, and Mongke 
Qa’an ordered him to be beaten from the left and the right until all 
his limbs were crushed. He died of the pain, and his wives and children 
were cast into the abasement of slavery. 

When thou has done evil, think not thyself secure from calamities for 
punishment is necessary for [the whole of] Nature. 

This was the brief account of Toregene Khatun and her attendant 
that has been given. We shall now begin and recount in detail the 
particulars of Giiyiik Khan’s accession, if God Almighty so wills. 

7 On Qadaq, see below, p. 188. 

8 On the spelling of the name — Pu-lin-chi-tai (Biirilgidei) in the Yuan shih — see 
HWC, p. 246, note g. 



throne of the Khanate 

During his lifetime Ogetei Qa’an had chosen his third son, Kochii, 
who was born of Toregene Khatun, as his heir and successor. He died 
however, while Qa’an was still living, and since Qa’an loved him more 
than all his other sons, he brought up [Kochix’s] eldest son, Shiremiin, 
who was exceedingly fortunate and intelligent, in his own ordo and 
decreed that he was to be his heir and successor. 

In the year in which Qa’an was to bid farewell to this life he had 
sent messengers to summon Guyuk. In compliance with this command 
Guyiik turned back, but before his arrival Fate’s inevitable decree 
was carried out and no opportunity was given for father and son to 
brighten their eyes with each other’s beauty. When Giiyiik was in- 
formed of his father’s death, he hurried forward until he reached the 
Emil. From thence he made for his father’s ordo; and the hopes of the 
ambitious were dashed by his arrival. 

And when messengers had gone to the ends and corners of the lands 
near and far, to summon and invite the princes, emirs, sultans, maliks, 
and scribes, each of them set out from his home and country in obedi- 
ence to the command. And when the spring of the Year of the Horse, 
falling in Rabl‘ II 9 of the year 643 [26th September-23rd October, 
1245] came round, the princes and emirs of the right and left hand 
arrived, each with his followers and retainers, and they gathered 
together in Koke-Na’ur 10 — all except Batu, who was offended with 
them for some reason and held aloof, excusing himself on the grounds 
of his feeble condition and an attack of gout. The first to arrive were 
Sorqoqtani Beki and her sons with all manner of gear and full equipage. 
From the East came Otchigin with eighty 11 sons, Elchitei, and the 
other uncles and cousins, and from the ordo of Chaghatai Qara- 
Hulegu, Yesii-Toqa and the other sons, grandsons, and nephews 

9 This must be a mistake for Ramadan, that is, 20th January- 1 8th February, 1246, 
the Year of the Horse in question beginning on or about the 27th January of that 

10 See above, Section 1, p. 63, note 280. 

11 Perhaps a mistake for eight, the number of Temiige-Otchigin’s sons according to 
the Ytianshih ( ChapitreCVII , p. 34). 



of Chaghatai. From the ordo of Jochi, Batu had sent his brothers 
Orda, Shiban, Berkc, Berkecher, Tangqut, and Toqa-Temur. And 
important noyans and great emirs, who had connections with one or 
another party, came in attendance on the princes. From Khitai there 
came emirs and officials; from Turkistan and Transoxiana the Emir 
Mas‘ud accompanied by the grandees of that region ; from Khurasan, 
the Emir Arghun with the emirs and notables of that province and 
those of ‘Iraq, Lur, Adharbaijan, and Shlrvan; from Rum, Sultan 
Rukn al-DIn; 12 from Georgia, the two Davids;’ 3 from Aleppo, the 
brother of the ruler; 14 from Mosul, the envoy of Sultan Badr al-DIn 
Lu’lu’; 15 and from the Caliphate of Baghdad, the chief cadi Fakhr 
al-DIn. There came also envoys from the Franks,' 6 and from Fars and 
Kirman; and from ‘Ala al-DIn, 17 the ruler of Alamut, the governors 
of Quhistan Shihab al-DIn and Shams al-DIn. And this assembly 
came all of them with such baggage and presents as befitted such a 
court. Nearly two thousand tents had been made ready for them, and 
in the neighborhood of the ordo , because of the multitude of people, 
no place was left to alight in, and food and drink fetched a high price 
and were unobtainable. 

The princes and emirs spoke as follows about the Khanate: “Since 
Koten, whom Chingiz-Khan had appointed to be successor to Qa’an, 
is somewhat sickly, and Toregene Khatun favors Giiyiik, and Shiremiin, 
Qa’an’s heir, has not yet reached maturity, it is advisable that we 
set up Giiyiik Khan, who is the eldest son of Qa’an.” Now Giiyiik 
Khan was known for his power and authority, and Toregene Khatun 
favored him and most of the emirs were in agreement with her. After a 
discussion they agreed to set him on the throne. He for his part, 
as is the custom, rejected [the honor], recommending each and every 
prince [in his stead] and having recourse to the excuse that he was 
sickly and indisposed. After the emirs had insisted he said: “I accept 

12 Qilij-Arslan IV (1257-1265). 

13 David IV, the son of Queen Rusudani, and David V, the illegitimate son of her 
brother King Giorgi. 

14 This was the Aiyubid Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf, the ruler of Aleppo (1236- 
1260) and Damascus (1250-1260). 

15 The Zangid atabeg of Mosul (1233-1259). 

16 Apparently a reference to the mission of John de Plano Carpini. 

17 See above, Section 1, p. 49, note 173. 



on condition that henceforth the Khanate shall be settled in my fam- 
ily.” They all of them made the following written undertaking: “As 
long as there remains of thy race a piece of flesh such as an ox or dog 
would not accept wrapped in fat or grass, we shall give the Khanate 
to no other.” 18 Then, the science of the qams having been practiced, 
all the princes took off their hats, loosened their belts, and set him upon 
the throne of the Khanate, in the morinyil, that is, the Year of the Horse, 
corresponding to Rabi‘ II of the year 643 [16th September-i3th 
October, 1245]. 19 In accordance with their custom, they took their 
cups and feasted for a whole week. When they had finished, he pre- 
sented great quantities of goods to the khatuns, princes, and commanders 
of ttimens, thousands, hundreds, and tens. Then they began to deal 
with important affairs of state. First they held a court of inquiry to 
try Fatima Khatun, and then they took up the case of Otchigin, which 
they examined minutely. And since this examination was a matter 
of great delicacy and not everyone could be taken into their confidence, 
Mongke Qa’an and Orda were the examiners and they would admit 
no one else. When they had completed the enquiry, he was put to 
death by a group of emirs. 

Qara Oghul was the successor of Chaghatai, and Yesii-Mongke, 
who was his direct son, was not allowed to intervene. And because 
Giiyiik Khan had a friendship for the latter he said: “How can a 
grandson be heir when there is a son?” And he settled Chaghatai’s 
position upon Yesii-Mongke and strengthened his hand in all matters. 

After Qa’an’s death, every one of the princes had set their hand to 
actions without number; they had written drafts on the Empire and 
issued paizas to all sorts of persons. Giiyiik Khan ordered these to be 
called in, and since they were outside the yosun and yasaq they were 
ashamed and hung their heads in confusion. And the paizas and 

18 Juvaini mentions neither Guyiik’s condition of acceptance nor the emirs’ under- 
taking. The latter seems to be a garbled version of the formula which, in SH 
(§255), is placed in the mouth of Genghis Khan: “Und wenn als Ogodais Nach- 
kommen solche Minderwertigen geboren werden, dass das Gras, in das sie gewickelt 
sind, vom Rinde nicht gefressen und das Fett, in das sie gewickelt sind, vom Hunde 
nicht gefressen wird, warum dann sollte aus meiner sonstigen Nachkommenschaft 
nicht ein tiichtiger Knabe geboren werden ? ” (Haenisch, p. 1 28) . 

19 See above, p. 180, note 9. According to Carpini, who was present in person, the 
ceremony took place on the feast of St. Bartholomew (24th August) 1246. See Rockhill, 
p. 22, and Becquet-Hambis, p. 1 19. 



yarlighs of each of them were taken from them and laid before the 
author with the words: “ Read thy Book: there needeth none but thyself to 
make out an account against thee this day.” 20 [Only] Sorqoqtani Beki 
and her sons preserved their honor and held their heads high, for they 
had been guilty of no breach of the yasa. In his speeches Guyiik 
used to hold them up as an example to the rest; and he praised them 
while he held the others lightly. 

He confirmed all the yasas of his father and gave orders that every 
yarligh that had been adorned with the al-tamgha zl of Qa’an should be 
signed again without reference [to himself]. 

Thereafter he assigned and dispatched armies in every direction, 
sending Siibedei Bahadur and Jaghan Noyan 22 with a large army into 
Khitai and parts of Manzi and assigning Eljigitei 23 with another army 
to the West. And he commanded that of the Tazik armies in Persia 
two out of every ten men should set out and reduce the rebellious 
territories, beginning with the Heretics . 24 He himself intended to 
follow after. And though he had placed all those armies and con- 
quered peoples under the command of Eljigitei, he especially entrusted 
to him the affairs of Rum, Georgia and Aleppo, in order that no one 
else might interfere with them and the rulers of those parts might be 
answerable to him for their tribute. He put to death ‘Abd al-Rahman, 
whom Toregene Khatun had sent as governor to Khitai, and gave the 
countries of Khitai to the Sahib Yalavach. Turkistan and Transoxiana 
he transferred to the Emir Mas‘ud, and Khurasan, ‘Iraq, Adhar- 
baijan, Shlrvan, Lur, Kirman, Georgia, and [the region] bordering 
on India he entrusted to the Emir Arghun Aqa. And to all the emirs 
and maliks that were dependent on each of them he gave yarlighs 
and paizas, and important business was confided to them. He gave 
the Sultanate of Rum to Sultan Rukn al-Dln and deposed his brother . 25 
David, the son of Qiz-Mahk, he made subject to the other David. 

20 Koran, xvii, 15. 21 See Glossary. 

22 On Jaghan, the commander of Genghis Khan’s “chief hazara” and afterward 
Ogedei’s commander-in-chief on the borders of China, see HWC, p. 256, note 26. 

23 This was the Elcheltay, “king of the Tartars,” who sent an embassy to Louis 
IX. See Papaute, pp. [154]— [155]- 

24 That is, the Isma'ills, or Assassins. 

25 For the somewhat complicated details of the rival Sultans’ reigns, see Steppes, 
P • 423 - 


And by the ambassador from Baghdad be sent threats and menaces 
to the Caliph because of a complaint which Shiremiin, the son of 
Chormaghun, had made about them. So also he ordered a reply to be 
written in the harshest language to the memorandum brought by the 
ambassadors from Alamut. As for Chinqai, he showed favor to him 
and conferred on him the rank of vizier. And all the great men from 
every side returned home. Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds ! 

his generosity and liberality; his setting out for the Emil; and his 
passing away in the region of Samarqand 26 

Now Qadaq, who was of the Christian religion, had been, since his 
childhood, in attendance on Giiyuk Khan in the capacity of atabeg, 
and his nature was impressed with that picture. To this was afterward 
added the influence of Chinqai. He therefore always went to great 
lengths in honoring priests and Christians, and when this was noised 
abroad, priests set their faces toward his Court from the lands of 
Syria and Rum and the As and the Orus. And because of the attendance 
of Qadaq and Chinqai he was prone to denounce the faith of Islam, 
and the cause of Christians flourished during his reign, and no Muslim 
dared to raise his voice to them. 

Now because Giiyuk Khan wished the fame of his own generosity 
to surpass that of his father’s, he used to exceed all bounds in his 
munificence. He commanded that the goods of merchants who had 
come from all sides should be valued in the same way as had been done 
in his father’s day and their dues paid to them. On one occasion these 
dues amounted to 70,000 balish, for which drafts had been written 
upon every land. The wares of every clime were piled up in heaps 
such that it was difficult to transport them. The pillars of state repre- 
sented this to him. “It will be a trouble to guard it,” he said, “and 
it will be of no profit to us. Distribute it amongst the soldiers and all 
present.” For days they distributed it and sent it to all the subject 
peoples; and still much was left. He ordered it to be scrambled for. 

26 See above, Section 2, p. 1 2 1 , note 95. 


That year he wintered in that place, and when the new year came 
around he said: “The air of the Emil is agreeable to my constitution 
and the water of that region is beneficial to my ailment.” And setting 
out from thence he proceeded, with the greatest possible awesomeness 
and majesty, toward the countries of the West. And whenever he came 
to cultivated land or saw people in the roadway, he would command 
them to be given enough balish and clothes to free them from the 
humiliation of poverty. Now Sorqoqtani Beki, being an intelligent 
woman and extremely shrewd, realized that his haste in that journey 
was not devoid of guile. She secretly dispatched a courier to Batu 
to say: “Be prepared, for Giiyiik Khan has set out for those regions 
at the head of a large army.” Batu was grateful and made ready for 
battle with him. However, when [Giiyiik Khan] reached the confines 
of Samarqand , 27 a week’s journey from Besh-Bal'iq, the predestined 
hour arrived and did not grant him respite to advance one step beyond 

that place, and he passed away . 28 The length of his reign 

had been one year. May the Lord of Islam enjoy many years of life, 
youth, and fortune ! 

After the death of Giiyiik Khan, the roads were closed and a yasaq 
was issued to the effect that everyone should halt in whatever place he 
had reached, whether it was inhabited or desert . 29 And at Oghul- 
Qaimish’s command, Giiyiik Khan’s tomb was transferred to the 
Emil, where his ordo was. Sorqoqtani Beki, as is the custom, offered 
her words of advice and consolation and sent her clothing and a 
boqtaq , 3 ° And Batu consoled and comforted her in the like manner and 
said : “ Let Oghul-Qaimish continue, as heretofore, to administer affairs 
in consultation with Chinqai and the [other] ministers, and let her 
neglect nothing, for on account of old age, weakness, and gout I am 

27 See above. Section 2, p. 1 2 1 , note 95. 

28 Blank in Blochet’s ms. Guyiik died, according to the Yuan shih, in the third month 
(27th March-24th April) of 1248. See Papaute, pp. [i95]-[i96]. 

29 Juvaim (HWC, p. 262) adds “as is their custom and wont whenever a king dies.” 
Rashid al-DIn (Arends, p. 66) records the observance of this practice upon the death 
of the Il-Khan Hiilegii. 

30 The boghtaq was the headdress of ladies of rank. It was “extremely tall” and 
“usually of dark silk, extended on a frame, sewn with pearls and precious stones, with 
a square top bearing a stone and/or small feathers.” The hennin worn by noblewomen 
in medieval Europe is thought to have been derived from travelers’ accounts of it. 
See Cammann, pp. 161-62. 


unable to move, and you, the inis, are all there; therefore concern 
yourselves with whatever is necessary.” Little was done, however, 
except for dealings with merchants. Most of the time Oghul-Qaimish 
was closeted with the qams, carrying out their fantasies and absurdities. 
As for Khwaja and Naqu, they set up two courts in opposition to their 
mother, so that in one place there were three audience chambers of 
different rulers. Elsewhere also the princes made dealings and issued 
orders in accordance with their own wishes. And because of the differ- 
ences between mother, sons, and the rest, and their divergent counsels 
and policies, affairs passed out of their control. As for Chinqai, he was 
perplexed in the conduct of affairs, and no one listened to his words 
and advice. And of their kinsfolk, Sorqoqtani Beki used to send words 
of admonishment and counsel, but the sons in their childishness 
behaved in an arbitrary manner, and with the encouragement of 
Yesii-Mongke [they] continued to misrule until the Khanate was 
settled upon Mongke Qa’an and public affairs were strung upon the 
string of order. 

This is the history of Giiyiik Khan that has been written. 





His praiseworthy character and morals ; 
the excellent biligs, parables > and pronouncements 
which he uttered and promulgated ; 
such events and happenings as occurred during his reign 
and have not been included in the two previous parts, 
the information having been acquired 
on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons 

Giiyiik Khan was a ruler who was a very heaven of magnificence and 
regality and a whole ocean of grandeur, being filled with the arrogance 
of greatness and the haughtiness of pride. When the report of his aus- 
picious accession was published throughout the world, the severity and 
terror of his justice became so well known that before the armies 
reached his opponents fear and dread of him had already produced 
their effect upon the hearts of the froward. Every lord of the marches 
who heard that report, for fear of Giiyiik’s fury and dread of his 
ferocity, found rest and repose neither night nor day. And his ministers,, 
favorites, and courtiers were unable to raise one foot in front of the 
other, nor could they bring any matter to his attention, before he had 
taken the initiative in speaking of it. And visitors from near and far 
did not step a span higher than the place where the horses were 
tethered except such as he sent for. In the days of his reign, emirs, 
governors, agents, and deputies made their way to his ordo from north, 
south, east, and west, so that at the time of the quriltai two thousand 
tents were made ready for the guests. In the neighborhood of the ordo 
no room was left to alight in, and still great men and nobles were 
arriving from every side. No one had ever witnessed such an assembly 
nor has the like been read of in any history. 



“Because of the many tents, and men, and pavilions there remained no level 
place on the plain .” 31 

When the Khanate was settled upon him, just as his father Qa’an had 
upheld theyasa of his grandfather and [had] not admitted any change or 
alteration of his statutes, [so] he too kept the yasas and statutes of his 
own father immune from the contingencies of redundance and deficiency 
and secure from the corruption of change. And he commanded that 
every yarligh that had been adorned with the august al-tamgha of Ogetei 
Qa’an should be signed again without reference to his own august counsel. 

Giiyiik had by nature a weak constitution, and most of the time he 
was not free from some kind of illness. Nevertheless, he was, on most 
days, engaged from morning till evening and from dawn to dusk 
with the quaffing of cups of wine and the contemplation of peri- 
faced, sweet-limbed maidens. These habits had the effect of aggrava- 
ting his malady, but he would not abandon them. 

A number of Christians, such as Qadaq, who was his atabeg, and 
Chinqai, who was his minister, had been in attendance on him since 
the days of his childhood ; and physicians also of that religion were in 
attendance on him. His nature had therefore been impressed therewith, 
and that picture was left on the page of his bosom “ like a picture carved 
on stone.” He went to great lengths in honoring Christians and priests, 
and when this was noised abroad, priests and monks set their faces 
toward his Court from all the ends of the world. He was naturally 
prone to denounce the faith of Muhammad ( God bless him and give him 
peace!). At the time of his reign he was in a melancholic frame of 
mind and had no inclination for conversation. He had therefore 
entrusted all the tying and untying and binding and loosing of affairs 
to Qadaq and Chingqai and made them entirely responsible for good 
and ill, weal and woe. The cause of the Christians flourished therefore 
during his reign, and no Muslim dared to raise his voice to them. 

In munificence he exceeded all bounds, wishing his fame to surpass 
his father’s, but he was not granted the time. 

of Khitai and Machln and the emirs, caliphs, sultans, maliks, and 

1 88 

31 Vullers, p. 474, 1 . 652. 


atabegs of Persia, Egypt, Syria, and the Maghrib that were contempor- 
ary with Toregene Khatun and Giiyuk Khan from the beginning of the 
bars y'il, that is, the Year of the Panther, falling in Sha‘ban of the year 
639 [5th February-i4th March, 1242], to the end of the morin y'il, 
that is, the Year of the Horse, corresponding to Ramadan of the year 
643 [21st January- 1 g th February, 1246], a period of 5 years 

History of the emperors of Khitai and Machin that reigned 

during this period of 5 years 

The kingdom of Khitai was by this time completely under the control 
of the family of Chingiz-Khan. The last of their emperors, Shousu by 
name, was vanquished at the beginning of the reign of Ogetei Qa’an, 
and the dynasty came to an end. As for the emperor of Machin during 
this period, his name was Lizun, and the length of his reign was as 
follows : 

Lizun. 41 years less 7 years past and 29 years to come, 5 years. 32 

History of the emirs, caliphs, sultans, maliks, and atabegs that 

reigned during this period 

History of the emirs 

The Emir Korgiiz, who was the governor of Khurasan, had quarreled 
with a member of Chaghatai’s family over a sum of money and had 
uttered harsh words. By virtue of ayarligh of Ogetei Qa’an, as has been 
recorded in his history, he was seized, bound, and carried off. When 
his escort arrived there, Ogetei Qa’an had passed away. They took 
him to the ordo of Ulugh-Ef, 33 where the emirs began to examine him. 
He said: “If you can decide my case, let me speak. Otherwise it is 
better to remain silent.” On that account his case was held up and he 
was taken to the ordo of Toregene Khatun. Chinqai had fled from 
here, and Korguz had not paid much attention to the other emirs 
that were involved, nor had he any money with him to mend his 
affairs. He was taken to the ordo of Chaghatai and, after his guilt had 

32 See above, Section 1, p. 42, note 142. 

33 The ordo of Chaghatai’s successors ; in Turkish, “ Great House.” 


been established, was put to death. At the end of his life he had become 
a Muslim. The Emir Arghun Aqa was sent in his place as governor of 
Khurasan, and Sharaf al-Dln Khwarazmi was made his deputy . 34 

History of the caliphs 

At the beginning of this period the ‘Abbasid caliph was al-Mustansir 
bi’llah . 35 The Mongol army, on Baiju Noyan’s 36 orders, was raiding 
the Baghdad area in small detachments. They laid siege to Irbil 
and took it by storm, whereupon the people of the town took refuge 
in the citadel. They continued to fight fiercely, but when no water was 
left in the citadel many people perished and, it being impossible to 
bury them, they were burnt with fire. Having laid waste the town, the 
Mongols set up their mangonels on the [walls of the] inner town. 
When the caliph received tidings of this he sent Shams al-Dln Arslan- 
Tegin 37 with three thousand horsemen to reinforce them. The Mon- 
gols, learning of their approach, left abruptly and fled. The caliph 
now inquired of the jurisconsults whether the pilgrimage was more 
excellent than holy war. They issued a joint fatwa that holy war was 
more excellent. He commanded that no one should go on the pilgrimage 
that year and the jurisconsults and ulema, nobles and commoners, 
strangers and townsmen, all busied themselves with archery and the 
handling of weapons. He also ordered the moat and walls of Baghdad 
to be repaired and mangonels to be set on the walls. The Mongols 
now returned to attach Irbil a second time, and the population was 
filled with alarm. The Emir Arslan-Tegin, with an army in full array, 
took his stand outside the town, awaiting their arrival. Learning of this 
the Mongols turned back and made for Daquq and the dependencies 
of Baghdad, massacring and pillaging and carrying off prisoners. 
Sharaf al-Dln Iqbal Sharabi , 38 the preacher, urged the people to 
holy war, and they issued forth [from the town], Jamal al-Dln Qush- 

34 For a fuller account of Korgiiz, see above, pp. 72-75. 

35 1226-1242. 

35 On Baiju, who replaced Chormaghun as commander-in-chief of the Mongol 
forces in western Asia, see Steppes, pp. 328 and 420 ff. 

37 One of Mustansir’s emirs. 

38 Sharaf al-Dln Iqbal Sharabi (not Shlrazi as in Blochet and Verkhovsky), one of 
Mustansir’s mamluks, was first his sharabi (“butler”) and then rose to be his commander- 


Temur 39 was the commander of the army, and the armies met at 
Jabal Hamrin. The Caliph Mustansir came out of the town of Baghdad 
and, summoning the nobles and commoners, he addressed the people 
as follows: “Assailants and enemies of the Faith have attacked our 
country from every side, and I have nothing to repel them with but 
this sword. I intend to go into battle against them in person.” The 
maliks and emirs exclaimed: “The Caliph must not take the trouble. 
We, his slaves, will go.” And they all went forth and fought with a 
stout heart, and the Mongols retired in a rout from Jabal Hamrin. 
The Caliph’s Turks and ghulams pursued them, killing many of the 
Mongols and recovering the prisoners they had taken at Irbil and 
Daquq. And on Friday the ioth Jumada II, 640 [6th November, 
1242], the Commander of the Faithful, al-Mustansir bi’llah, passed 
away and his son al-Musta‘sim bi’llah 40 succeeded him in the Caliphate. 

History of the sultans 

In Rum, Sultan Tzz al-Din was in charge of the Sultanate, while 
his brother Rukn al-Din went to the Court of Qa’an. After the accession 
of Mongke Qa’an, the Sultanate was given to him and his brother 
was deposed. 41 

In Mosul there reigned Sultan Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, who was at the 
zenith of greatness. He sent an ambassador to the Court of the Qa’an, 
and when Mongke Qa’an ascended the throne he dismissed him with 
the greatest honor, showing favor to Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ and sending 
him a yarligh and a paiza. During these years Sultan Badr al-Din 
Lu’lu’ took Nisibin. 

In Egypt Malik Salih Najm al-Din Aiyub ibn al- Kamil ibn al* 
‘Adil 42 was Sultan. He was afflicted with a chronic disease and was 
always at war with the Franks. 

In Kirman there reigned Sultan Rukn al-Din, 43 busy with justice 
and equity. And no strange happening occurred. 

39 It was he who opposed Sultan Jalal al-Din when he approached Baghdad in 
1225. See HWC, p. 422. 

40 The last of the line, put to death by the Mongols after the sack of Baghdad 
(February, 1258). 

41 See above, p. 183, note 25. 

43 See above, Section 1, p. 68, note 307. 

42 1240-1249. 


In Sistan there reigned Malik Shams al-DIn Kart. 44 

History of the maliks and atabegs 

In Mazandaran . 4S 

In Diyar Bakr and Syria in the year 639/1241-1242, Saiyid Taj al- 
Din Muhammad Salaya was appointed governor of Irbll. In the same 
year, Baraka Khan, 46 the son of Daulat-Shah, one of the emirs of 
Sultan Jalal al-Din, who commanded what was left of the defeated 
army of Khwarazm, sought the hand of the daughter of Malik ‘Add, 47 
who was the mother of the ruler of Aleppo. 48 He 49 ordered the mes- 
senger to be humiliated, and Baraka Khan gathered his army together 
and invaded their territory. The army of Aleppo came out and they 
fought at Manbij. The Khwarazmls beat the men of Aleppo, mas- 
sacring, looting, and carrying off prisoners. Then the rulers of Aleppo 
and Hints 50 attacked the Khwarazmls jointly, and neither side was 
defeated. In the same year certain Khwarazmls who had beenin Kirman 
joined the rest in ‘Ana. And Muhammad, the son of Baraka Khan, 
came to Baghdad and was enrolled amongst the companions of 
Mujahid al-Din Ai-Beg the Davat-Dar. 51 In the year 640/1242-1243 
there was again a battle between the Khwarazmls and the people of 
Aleppo. The Khwarazmls were defeated, abandoning their wives, 
children, horses, and cattle, and the men of Aleppo obtained much 
booty. 52 In the year 642/1244-1245 a Mongol army again entered 

44 The founder (1245-1278) of the Kart dynasty of Herat. 

45 Blank in the mss. 

46 According to Nasawi (Houdas, p. 128), Baraka’s father (whom he calls Daulat 
Malik), a maternal uncle of Sultan Ghiyath al-Din, was killed in a battle with the 
Mongols near Zanjan some time in 1222 ; and Baraka, then only a young child, made 
his way to Azerbaijan, where in due course he entered the service of Sultan Jalal 

47 The Aiyubid Sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-‘Adil II (1238-1240). 

48 Al-Malik al-Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf (1236-1260). 

49 Presumably al-Malik al-Nasir. It cannot, as supposed by Verkhovsky (p, 125) 
be al-Malik al-‘Adil, who had died in the previous year. 

50 The Aiyubid Sultan of Hims was then al-Mansur Ibrahim (1239-1245). 

51 Actually, the Lesser Davat-Dar or Vice-Chancellor. He was afterward to play 
a considerable part in the defense of Baghdad against Hiilegu. See below, p. 232; 
also Boyle 1 96 1 , pp. 1 54 ff. 

52 Rashid al-Din does not mention their sacking of Jerusalem and subsequent 
defeat of the Crusaders in a battle near Gaza (17th October, 1 244) . 



Diyar Bakr, where they captured Harran and Ruha 53 and took 
Mardin by peaceful means. Shihab al-Dln GhazI 54 fled to Egypt, where 
he settled and obtained support. 

In Fars there reigned the Atabeg Abu Bakr, who was busy organizing 
his army. 

53 Edessa, the modern Urfa. 

54 Al-Muzaffar Shihab al-Din GhazI, the Aiyubid ruler of Maiyafariqin ( 1 230- 
1245 )- 

Beginning of the History of 
M ongke Qa’an, 

the Son ofTolui Khan, the Son of Chingiz*Khan : 

History of Mongke Qa’an, 

which is in Three Parts 




History of Mbngke Qa' an, which is in Three Parts 

part i. An account of his lineage; a detailed account of his wives 
and of the branches into which his descendants have divided down 
to the present day; his portrait; and a genealogical table of his de- 

part n. The history of his accession; a picture of his wives, the 
princes, and emirs on the occasion of his ascending the throne of the 
Khanate; a history of the events of his reign; an account of the battles 
he fought and the victories he gained. 

m part hi. His praiseworthy character and morals; the excellent 
biligs, parables, and pronouncements which he uttered and promul- 
gated; such events and happenings as occurred during his reign but 
have not been included in the two previous parts, the information 
having been acquired on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons. 

1 The native Mongol form of his name. The Turkish form, Mengii, is represented 
by the Mengu of Carpini and the Mangu of Rubruck. 




An account of his lineage ; 
a detailed account of his wives and the branches 
into which his descendants have divided down to the present day ; 
his portrait; 

and a genealogical table of his descendants 

Mongke Qa’an was the eldest son of Tolui Khan, being born of his 
senior wife Sorqoqtani Beki, the daughter of Jagambo, the brother of 
Ong-Khan, the ruler of the Kereit. He had many wives and concubines, 
his senior wife being Qutuqtai Khatun , 2 the daughter of Uladai, the 
son of Buqu Kiiregen, of the Ikires bone , 3 who was the son-in-law 
of Chingiz-Khan. By this wife he had two sons, the elder Baltu 4 
and the younger Urung-Tash. Uriing-Tash had two sons, the elder 

Sarban and the younger . 5 Both died young and had no issue. 

Sarban had accompanied Nomoghan on the Deresii campaign . 6 Acting 
in concert with Shiregi, he seized Nomoghan and carried him off 
to Mongke-Temur, who was the ruler of the ulus of Jochi. Shiregi 
was taken to Qubilai Qa’an, who sent him to the coast and the hot 
region, where he died. By the same wife, Mongke had a daughter called 
Bayalun, whom he gave in marriage to Prince Jaqurchin , 7 

2 The Cotata Caten of Rubruck. 

3 The Persian ustukhwan, a literal translation of the Mongol yasun, “bone,” in the 
sense of “tribal sub-division, clan,” and often simply “tribe.” On the Ikires, a branch 
of the Qpnq'irat, s eeCampagnes, pp. 31—32. 

4 From Rubruck’s account (Rockhill, p. 189-90), Baltu appears to have been a 
Nestorian Christian. 

5 Blank in all the mss. According to the Yuan shih, the second son’s name was Oljei. 
See Chapitre CVII, pp. 1 09-10. 

6 See below, pp. 267-69. 

7 MRYK in Blochet’s text. According to the Yuan shih (quoted by Verkhovsky, 
p. 127, note 8), his name was Hu-lin, that is, apparently Qurin. 



who was the brother of Huludai, Huludai being the maternal grand- 
father of this daughter. He had another senior wife, called Oghul- 
Qoimiish , 8 of the Oirat bone 9 and of the family of Qutuqa Beki ; 10 
she was the sister of Oljei Khatun . 11 This wife was extremely masterful. 
She had first of all been betrothed to Tolui Khan and on this account 
used to call her husband’s brothers Qubilai Qa’an and Hiilegu 
Khan her children, and they used to be afraid of her. He had no sons 
by this wife but two daughters, the elder called Shirin 12 and the 
younger Bichqa, who was also called Ko’unen. He had given Shirin 

in marriage to , 13 the son of Taiju Kiiregen. Taiju had married 

[Altalun], the youngest daughter [of Chingiz-Khan ] ; 14 he belonged 
to the Olqunut bone . 15 When Shirin died, Bichqa too was given in 
marriage to the son of Taiju Kiiregen. He had two chief concubines, 
one called Baya’ujin of the Baya’ut 16 people, by whom he had a son 
called Shiregi, who had a son called Ulus-Buqa. The reason for his 
taking this Baya’ujin was as follows. Her father stole a bowstring from 
the armory, and it was found in the leg of his boot. He was to be 
put to death for that crime and was brought before [the Qa’an] 
along with his daughter. Mongke Qa’an was pleased with her and took 
her to him. The other concubine was called Kiiiteni, of the Eljigin 
bone . 17 By her he had one son, Asutai, who joined Ar'iq Boke and 
rebelled against Qubilai Qa’an. Asutai had four sons: the eldest, 
Oljei, the second, Hulachu, the third, Hantum, and the fourth, 
Oljei-Buqa. These were at the Court of the Qa’an. There is no detailed 

8 Rubruck (Rockhill, pp. 172 and 190) describes her as a “Christian lady:” she 
was already dead at the time of his visit to the Mongol court. 

9 See above, p. 197, note 3. 

10 The ruler of the Oirat at the time of Genghis Khan. Oghul-Qpim'ish was his 
daughter. See Khetagurov, p. 1 19. 

11 Oljei Khatun, one of the wives of Hiilegii, was actually Oghul-Qoimish’s grand- 
niece. See Khetagurov, p. 1 19. 

12 The Cirina or Cherina of Rubruck, who describes her (Rockhill, p. 172) as “a 
very ugly, full-grown girl.” 

13 His name was Chochimtai. See Khetagurov, p. 164. 

14 The words in brackets are added in accordance with Khetagurov, p. 164: there 
is a blank in all the MSS. 

15 See above, p. 197, note 3. 

16 On the Baya’ut, see Khetagurov, pp. 1 75-77, and Campagnes, pp. 82 if. 

17 Apparently a branch of the Qonq'irat. 



information about their circumstances. The genealogical table of 
these sons is as shown. 

the Khanate to Mongke Qa’an and the events that led up to his 
accession to the throne of the Khanate and the Empire 

The reason for the transfer of the Khanate to him and the exertions 

and measures of his mother , Sorqoqtani Beki, by virtue of her ability 

When Giiyiik Khan passed away confusion again found its way 
into the affairs of the Empire, and matters of state were administered 
by Oghul-Qaimish and the ministers. Previously, when Ogetei Qa’an 
had gone to war against Khitai and the inevitable disaster had over- 
taken Tolui Khan, Qa’an was always bemoaning the pain of separation 
from him, and when he was drunk he used to weep a great deal and 
say: “ I am exceedingly sad because of separation from my brother and 
for that reason I choose to be drunk, in the hope of quenching the 
flame a little for awhile.” And because of the great concern that he 
had for his children he commanded that the affairs of the ulus and the 
control of the army should be entrusted to the counsel of his chief 
wife, Sorqoqtani Beki, who was the most intelligent woman in the 
world, and that the princes and the army should be under her command. 
And Sorqoqtani Beki, in the care and supervision of her sons and 
in the management of their affairs and those of the army and the ulus, 
laid the foundation of such control as no turban-wearer was or could 
be capable of. Qa’an used to consult her on all affairs of state and 
would never disregard her advice or suffer any change or alteration 
of her words. Her dependants were distinguished by her protection, 
solicitude, and respect, and in no period of unrest did they do any- 
thing contrary to the old and new^cia^. At the time of each Emperor’s 
accession all the princes were put to shame because of their actions, 
all except Sorqoqtani Beki and her noble sons, and this was because 
of her great ability, perfect wisdom, and shrewdness and consideration 
of the latter end of things. And from the time of Tolui Khan’s death 
she had always conciliated her kinsfolk and relations by the bestowing 



of gifts and presents and by her bounty and favors had rendered troops 
and strangers her obedient adherents, so that after the death of Giiyuk 
Khan most men were of one mind as to the entrusting of the Khanate 
to her eldest son, Mongke Qa’an. And so she continued to conciliate 
every side until the time when God Almighty, through the mediation 
of her experience, laid the bride of kingship in the bosom of Mongke 
Qa’an. And though she was a follower and devotee of the religion of 
Jesus she made great efforts to declare the rites of the law of Mustafa 
and would bestow alms and presents upon imams and shaikhs. And 
the proof of this statement is that she gave 1,000 silver balish that a 
madrasa might be built in Bukhara, of which the shaikh al-Islam Saif 
al-DIn of Bakharz ( may God sanctify his noble spirit !) was to be adminis- 
trator and superintendent; and she commanded that villages should be 
bought, an endowment made, and teachers and students accommo- 
dated [in the madrasa] . And always she would send alms to all parts and 
dispense goods to the poor and needy of the Muslims. And she contin- 
ued to tread this path until Dhu’l-Hijja of the year 649 [February- 
March, 1252], when she passed away. And God knows best and is most 
able to decide. 

The events preceding his accession 

At the time of Giiyiik Khan’s death Batu was suffering from gout. 
In his capacity as aqa he sent a relay of messengers in every direction 
to summon his relations and kinsmen, saying: “Let all princes come 
here, and we shall hold a quriltai and set upon the throne someone 
who is fitting and of whom we approve.” But the sons of Ogetei 
Qa’an, Giiyuk Khan, and Chaghatai refused, saying: “The original 
yurt and residence of Chingiz-Khan is [the region of] the Onan and 
Keliiren. We are under no obligation to go to the Qipchaq Steppe.” 18 
And Khwaja and Naqu send Qonqurtaqai and Temur Noyan, who 
was the emir of Qara-Qorum, as their representatives, instructing 
them to give written undertakings according as the princes agreed, 
“for Batu,” they said, “is the aqa of all the princes, and all are subject 
to his command. We shall in no way deviate from his decision.” 

18 According to Juvaini’s version, Batu summoned the princes not to his own terri- 
tory but to a place a week’s distance from Qayaliq, the present-day Kopal in southern 
Kazakhstan. See HWC, p. 263 and note 3. 



After this Sorqoqtani Beki said to Mongke Qa’an: “As the princes 
have disobeyed the aqa and not gone to him thou must go with thy 
brothers and pay him a visit.” In accordance with his mother’s sugges- 
tion, Mongke Qa’an set out for the Court of Batu. When he arrived 
there and Batu perceived upon his brow the signs of maturity and 
ability, he said: “Of all the princes Mongke Qa’an alone is fitted and 
qualified for the Khanate, for he has experienced the good and ill of 
life and tasted the bitter and the sweet of every affair, and on several 
occasions led armies in various directions, and is distinguished from 
all by his wisdom and ability; his dignity and honor were and are as 
great as they can be in the eyes of Ogetei Qa’an and the other princes, 
the emirs, and the army. Qa’an sent him, his brother Kolgen, and 
Giiyiik with me, that is, Batu, Orda, and the family of Jochi against 
the land of the Qipchaq and the countries in that region in order to 
conquer them. And it was Mongke Qa’an who subdued the *Ulirlik 19 
and Qipchaq peoples and the Uruqsaq 20 and Cherkes peoples and 
captured Bachman, the leader of the Qipchaqs, Tuqar, 21 the leader of 
the Cherkes peoples, and Ajis, 22 the leader of the As peoples. He 
also took the town of *Men-Kermen 23 massacring and pillaging, and 
reduced it to subjection. Then in the lit 2 * yil , corresponding to the 
year 638/1240-1241 25 Qa’an sent a yarligh that the princes should 
return, but before they arrived he had already died, having issued a 
yarligh that Shiremiin, his grandson, was to be heir. Toregene Khatun 
disobeyed and ignored his ordinance and set up Giiyiik Khan as 
Khan. Today it is Mongke Qa’an who is best fitted and most suitable 
to be ruler. He is of the family of Chingiz-Khan, and what other 
prince is there who by his penetrating thought and straight-hitting 

19 See above, Section 1, p. 58, note 230. 

20 Unidentified. 

21 Not in Verkhovsky. Spelt here Tty/QQAS, but cf. above, p. 60. 

22 Not in Verkhovsky. Above, p. 58, his name is given as Q achir-Ukula. 

23 Reading MN KRMAN for the MR KRMAN of Verkhovsky’s text. On Men- 
Kermen, the Turkish name for Kiev, see above, Section 1, p. 69, note 322. According 
to the Russian sources, Mongke had at least reconnoitred Kiev. See Vernadsky, p. 52. 
That he was present at the capture of the town, which fell on the 6th December, 
1240, is inconsistent with the statement above (p. 61) that he and Giiyiik had already 
set out on the return journey to Mongolia in the autumn of that year. 

24 T. ud, “ox.” 

25 Actually 1241. 



counsel can administer the Empire and the army, except Mongke 
Qa’an, who is the son of my good uncle, Tolui Khan, who was the 
youngest son of Chingiz-Khan and held his chief yurt? (It is well 
known that according to the yasa and custom the position of the father 
passes to his youngest son.) Therefore Mongke Qa’an has all the 
qualifications for kingship.” 

When Batu had finished this speech he sent messengers to the wives 
of Chingiz-Khan, the wives and sons of Ogetei Qa’an, the wife of 
Tolui Khan, Sorqoqtani Beki, and the other princes and emirs of the 
right and left hand, saying: “Of the princes the only one who has 
seen with his eyes and heard with his ears the yasaq and yarligh of 
Chingiz-Khan is Mongke Qa’an. It is in the interest of the ulus, the 
army, the people, and us princes that we set him up as Qa’an.” 
And he commanded his brothers Orda, Shiban, and Berke and all the 
descendants of Jochi and, of the princes of the right hand , 26 Qara- 
Hulegii, a descendant of Chaghatai, to hold an assembly. They feasted 
for a number of days and then agreed upon raising Mongke Qa’an 
to the Khanate. Mongke Qa’an refused and would not consent to 
accept that great office nor to take upon himself that immense charge. 
And when they pressed him he persisted in his refusal. Thereupon his 
brother, Moge Oghul, rose to his feet and said: “In this assembly we 
have all promised and given written undertakings that we shall 
abide by the command of Sayin-Khan 27 Batu. How can Mongke 
Qa’an seek to deviate from his advice?” Batu approved his words 
and praised them; and Mongke Qa’an was convinced. Thereupon 
Batu rose up, as is the Mongols’ custom, and all the princes and noyans 
together loosened their belts and knelt down, while Batu seized a cup 
and placed the Khanate in its proper place. All present swore allegiance, 
and it was agreed to hold a great quriltai in the new year. With this 
intention each turned back and departed to his ownjywrf and encamp- 
ment; and the report of these good tidings was spread abroad. 

Then Batu ordered his brothers Berke and Toqa-Temiir to accom- 
pany Mongke Qa’an with a large army to the Keliiren, which is the 
residence of Chingiz-Khan, to hold a quriltai, at which all of the princes 

26 That is, the West. 

27 See above, Section 2, p. 107, note 46. 



should be present, and set him upon the throne of kingship . 28 They 
set out from Batu— 

Glory and fortune on the right and victory and triumph on the left 
— and encamped in jerge 29 formation. 

Sorqoqtani Beki began to win over kinsmen and relations with acts 
of courtesy and attention and to invite them to the quriltai. Certain 
princes of the family of Qa’an and Giiyiik Khan as well as Yesu- 
Mongke and Biiri, the descendants of Chaghatai, spoke evasively and 
postponed [a decision] on this matter on the pretext that the Khanate 
ought to remain in the family of Qa’an and Giiyiik Khan. And again 
and again they sent messengers to Batu to say: “We dissent from this 
agreement and do not acquiesce in this covenant. The kingship be- 
longs to us. How canst thou give it to another?” Batu replied: “We 
have planned this with the agreement of aqa and ini, and this matter 
is now completed in such a manner that it is impossible to abrogate 
it. And if the matter were not feasible in this way and if another than 
Mongke Qa’an were to be nominated, the affairs of the Empire would 
suffer harm to such an extent that it would be impossible to set things 
to rights. If the princes ponder over this business and look at it with the 
glance of farsightedness it will be clear to them that the interests of the 
sons and grandsons of Qa’an have been respected, for the administra- 
tion of so vast an empire, which stretches from the East to the West, is 
beyond the strength of children’s arms.” Amid such exchanges, the ap- 
pointed year came to an end and the next year was half over. With each 
year, affairs of the world and the Empire became more desperate, and 
because of the great distance between them there was no possibility of 
mutual consultation. Mongke Qa’an and Sorqoqtani Beki continued 
to send messages to each of [those princes] and to tread the path- 
way of consideration and friendliness. But since their admonishments 
and exhortations produced no effect upon them, they sent message 
after message to them, now cajoling and now threatening them. They 
continued to make excuses, [and they] repeated their arguments on 
every occasion hoping that they might be restrained by kindness and 
conciliation and aroused from the slumber of pride and negligence. 

28 Juvaini (HWC, p. 563) speaks of Berke and Toqa-Temiir only as representing 
Batu at the quriltai, not as accompanying Mongke on his return journey. 

29 See above, Section 1, p. 36 and note 117. 



When that year drew to an end, they had sent messengers in every 
direction calling upon the princes and their kinsmen to gather to- 
gether on the Keliiren. They sent Shilemiin Bitikchi to Oghul-Qaimish 
and her sons Khwaja and Naqu, and ‘Alam-Dar Bitikchi to Yesii 
Mongke, with the following message: “Most of the family of Chingiz- 
Khan have gathered together and the business of the quriltai has been 
delayed until now because of you. There is no more time for excuses 
and procrastination. If you have a mind to concord and unity you 
must come to the quriltai in order that the affairs of the realm may be 
dealt with in unanimity.” When they realized that they had no 
alternative, Naqu Oghul set out, as did also Qadaq Noyan and some 
of the emirs of Guyuk Khan’s Court. Yesiin-To’a, too, the grandson 
of Chaghatai, set out from his place of residence and went with them 
to Shiremiin; and all three gathered together in one place. Then 
Khwaja also started out, all of them still imagining that the business 
of the quriltai could not proceed without them. Berke now sent the 
following message to Batu: “For 2 years we have been waiting to 
set Mongke Qa’an on the throne, and the sons of Ogetei Qa’an and 
Guyiik Khan and Yesii-Mongke, the son of Chaghatai, have not 
come.” Batu sent this reply: “Set him on the throne. Whoever turns 
against the yasa, let him lose his head .” 30 

All the princes and emirs that were with Mongke Qa’an — such as 
Berke; Harqasun, one of the great emirs; Yekfi and Yesiingge, the 
sons of Jochi-Qasar ; 31 Elchitei, the son of Qachi’un; Taghachar, the 
son of Otchi Noyan ; 32 and the sons of Bilgiitei , 33 all of them nephews 
of Chingiz-Khan, representing the princes of the left hand ; 34 and 
Qara-Hiilegu , 35 the son of Chaghatai; Qadan, the son, and Mongedu, 
the grandson of Ogetei Qa’an ; 36 and Hiilegu Khan, Qubilai Qa’an, 
Moge and Ariq Boke, the brothers of Mongke Qa’an, representing 

30 This exchange of messages between Berke and Batu is not mentioned by Juvaini. 

31 They are not mentioned byjuvaini as being present. 

32 Juvaini ( HWC , p. 568) speaks only of the “sons of Otegin.” According to the 
Yuan shih ( Chapitre CVII, pp. 35 and 38, note 1 1), Taghachar was Temuge-Otchigin’s 

33 Not mentioned byjuvaini. 34 That is, the East. 

35 Rashid al-Din repeats below, p. 207, Juvaini’s statement (HWC, p. 573) that 
Qara-Hiilegii and Qadan arrived after the enthronement ceremony. 

36 Juvaini speaks of the sons of Koten (of whom Mongedu was one) ; also the sons of 
Kolgen, who, according to the Yuan shih (Chapitre CVII, p. 64) , had only one. 



the princes of the right hand — now gathered together, and the astrolo- 
gers selected an auspicious horoscope. It was one of the indications 
of his increasing fortune that in those few days the atmosphere of those 
regions had been covered with a veil of clouds, and there was constant 
rain, and no one could see the face of the sun. It so happened that at the 
hour selected by the astrologers when they wished to observe the 
heavens, the world-illuminating sun suddenly appeared from behind 
the clouds and the sky was sufficiently cleared to reveal its disc, so 
that the astrologers were able to take the altitude with ease. All those 
present— the aforementioned princes, the great and important emirs, 
the leaders of every people, and troops beyond measure — took off 
their hats, slung their belts over their shoulders and, it being the 
qaqayil, that is, the Year of the Pig, falling in Dhu’l-Hijja of the year 
648 [February-March, 1251], 37 set Mongke Qa’an upon the throne 
of command and the seat of kingship in the neighborhood of Qara- 
Qorum, which is the residence of Chingiz-Khan. And the emirs and 
troops outside the ordo knelt nine times together with the princes. 

At the time of his auspicious accession they had given thought to 
how they should make a yasaq to define the order of precedence. It was 
decided that Berke, on account of his gout, should sit where he was, 
that Qubilai should sit beneath him, and that all should attend to 
Qubilai’s words. He ordered Mongke to stand at the door so that he 
could prevent the princes and emirs [from entering], and Hiilegii to 
stand in front of the ba’urchis and qorchis, so that none should speak 
or listen to unconsidered words. It was arranged in this fashion, and 
both of them walked to and fro until the business of the quriltai had 
been settled. 38 

And when he was auspiciously seated on the throne of the Empire, 
he desired in his great and perfect magnanimity that on that occasion 
some ease should be enjoyed by every species and variety [of creature]. 
He therefore made a yasa that on that fortunate day no man should 
tread the path of strife and contention but should enjoy himself and 
make merry. And just as the human species was receiving its due of 
life in all manner of enjoyment and self-indulgence, so too every kind 

37 According to Juvaini ( HWC , p. 567), the ceremony took place on the 1st July, 

38 These details are not given by Juvaini. 



of living creature and every variety of inorganic matter should not go 
without their share, and therefore those domesticated animals used for 
riding or as beasts of burden should not be subjected to the discomfort 
of loads, chains, and hobbles, while as for those that may be eaten as 
food in accordance with the just Sharfat, their blood should not be 
shed. And as for the wild creatures that fly or graze, on land and in the 
water, they should be secure from the arrows and snares of hunters 
and beat their wings to their heart’s content in the gardens of safety. 
So too the surface of the earth should not be made to suffer the pain 
caused by tent-pegs and the headache induced by horses’ hoofs; and 
running water should not be polluted by the discharge of impurities. 
Praise God for a being whom the Almighty makes the source of 
compassion and the meeting place of all kinds of equity to such an 
extent that he desires the comfort of all living creatures and inorganic 
matter! What limit can there be to the concern of his august mind 
for improving the lot of the weak and spreading justice and mercy 
among nobles and commoners? May God Almighty grant his illustri- 
ous family the enjoyment and pleasure of empire and fortune for 
long years and into distant ages, by His grace and favor ! 39 

In this manner they passed that day till nightfall. The next day they 
feasted in the tent which Sahib Yalavach had provided, made of 
nasij 40 and gold-embroidered cloths in various colors such that no one 
before had pitched such a tent or constructed such a pavilion. And as 
the picture shows, the World Emperor was seated upon a throne, the 
princes, like the necklace of the Pleiades, gathered on his right, his 
seven illustrious brothers 41 standing on the feet of courtesy at his 
service, and his wives, like black-eyed houris, seated upon his left. 
And silver-limbed cupbearers circulated cups of koumiss and wine in 
ewers and goblets. Among the noyans there stood, slave-like, in the 

39 The account of this curious truce with Nature is taken from Juvaini ( HWC , 
pp. 569-70). Cf. the story of Ogedei’s releasing a captured wolf (above, pp. 92-93, 
HWC, p. 231). Cf. too the T. idhuq, “holy, sacred,” of which the basic meaning is 
“released.” “This name,” says Kashghari(I, p. 65), “is given to an animal that has 
been set free. No load may be placed on such an animal and it may not be milked or 
shorn ; it is spared because of a vow that its master has made.” 

40 See Glossary. 

41 Qubilai, Hiilegii, Ariq Boke, Moge, Bochek, Sogetei, and Subiigetci (Siibetei). 
See HWC, p.571 and note 60. 



station of the qorchis 42 their leader Mengeser , 43 and the bitikchis, 
viziers, chamberlains, and ministers, with their leader Bulgha Aqa , 44 
were drawn up in rows in their proper station, while the other emirs 
and retinue stood on the feet of courtesy outside the pavilion. 

For a whole week they feasted and revelled in this fashion, and the 
daily ration of drink and food was two thousand wagon-loads of wine 
and koumiss, three hundred horses and oxen, and three thousand 
sheep. And since Berke was present, they were all slaughtered in 
accordance with the lawful ritual. 4S 

In the midst of all this feasting, there arrived Qadan Oghul, his 
brother Melik Oghul, and Qara-Hulegii . 46 In accordance with their 
usual custom they performed the ceremonies of congratulations and 
joined in the revelry and merrymaking. 

family of Ogetei Qa’an meditated guile and treachery against Mongke 
Qa’an; how their plot was discovered by *Kesege 47 Qushchi; how 
he brought.the news; and how they were arrested 

They were still awaiting the arrival of the other princes and conti- 
nued to be excessive in their joy and revelry. None of them dreamt that 
the ancient yasa of Chingiz-Khan could be changed or altered and 
there had been no kind of quarrel or disagreement amongst his family. 
In their revelry, therefore, they had neglected to exercise precaution. 

Meanwhile, Shiremiin and Naqu, the grandsons of Ogetei Qa’an, 
and Totoq , 48 the son of Qarachar, having reached agreement among 

42 See Glossary. 

43 On Mengeser, the “ great yarghuchi,” or Grand Judge, see below, pp. 209 and 
2 1 1 ; also Campagnes, pp. 368-69. 

44 Rubruck’s Bulgai, “the grand secretary of the court,” a Nestorian Christian. 

45 Berke being a convert to Islam. For a theory that he was the son of a Khwarazmi 
princess, the sister of Sultan Jalal al-DIn, see Richard 1967. 

46 See above, p. 204 and note 35. 

47 Verkhovsky’s text has KSK and Blochet’s K§K. In HWC, p. 574 and note 75, 
I took the name to be identical with Mo. kesig ( keshig ), “guard.” I now read *KSKH 
in accordance with the K‘o-hsieh-chieh, that is, Kesege (“The Warner”) of the 
Tuan shih. See Cleaves 1962-1963, p. 73 and note 65. 

48 He too was a grandson of Ogedei. See above, p. 22, where he is called Totaq. 
See also Chapitre CVII, p. 78. JuvainI does not mention his participation in the plot. 



themselves, had drawn near with many wagons full of arms and medi- 
tating guile and treachery in their hearts. All of a sudden, by a lucky 
chance indicative of fortune, a falconer called *Kesege of the Qanqli 
bone, one of Mongke Qa’an’s qushchis , 49 lost a camel. He was wandering 
about in search of it when he stumbled into the middle of Shiremiin’s 
and Naqu’s forces. He beheld a great army and wagons without 
number heavily loaded, allegedly, with food and drink for a feast of 
congratulation. Ignorant of the secret purpose of all this, *Kesege 
continued to search for his stray camel. As he moved about he came up- 
on a young lad seated beside a broken wagon. The lad, thinking he 
was one of their horsemen, asked for his assistance in mending the 
wagon. *Kesege dismounted in order to help him, and his glance 
fell upon the weapons and warlike equipment which they had stacked 
in the wagon. He asked the lad what the load was. “Arms,” replied 
the lad, “the same as in the other wagons.” * Kescgc realized that 
their coming with wagons filled with arms was not devoid of guile 
and treachery, but he feigned indifference. When he had finished 
helping he entered a tent and became a guest; and having established 
friendly relations [with his host] he gradually discovered how matters 
lay. When he was apprised of the truth and knew for certain that the 
thoughts of these people were full of guile and hypocrisy and that they 
intended, in the course of the auspicious feast, when all were drunk, 
to step aside from the highway of decency and, stretching out the 
hand of oppression, to put into effect what they had planned (“But 
the plotting of evil shall only enmesh those who make use of it”), so *Kesege 
let go the reins of free will, bade farewell to his camel, and traveled 
3 days’ journey in one. All of a sudden, without permission and without 
fear, he entered the audience chamber and began to speak with a 
stout heart. “You are engaged,” he said, “in sport and pleasure, and 
your enemies have risen against you, having bided their time and 
prepared the tools of war.” And he related to them, by word of mouth, 
all that he had seen and urged them to deal with the situation with the 
utmost speed. But since the like machinations were unknown in the 
customs of Mongols, especially in the age of Chingiz-Khan and his 
family, they were quite unable to believe him. Again and again they 

4g That is, falconers. 

50 Koran, xxv, 41. 



questioned him and he repeated what he had said without any varia- 
tion. His words took no root in Mongke Qa’an’s ear and he paid no 
attention to them. *Kesege continued to speak with great urgency, 
and it could be seen that he was distressed and anxious, but Mongke 
Qa’an remained calm and self-possessed. The princes and noyans 
who were present cried out against this firmness fearing lest it might 
lead to some misfortune. And before the opportunity had passed each 
of the princes wished to set his foot in the road of dealing with that 
affair and go and investigate in person. In the end, they agreed that the 
Emir Mengeser Noyan, who was the leader of the emirs of Court, 
should go on in advance and investigate the matter. Following his 
instructions he mounted horse with some two or three thousand men 
and at dawn drew near to their encampment. With five hundred 
brave horsemen he rode forward and approached their tents, while 
the armies came up on either side. Previously, Shiremun had left his 
army and heavy baggage in *Maski 51 and he was now advancing at 
the head of five hundred horsemen. In Sari-Keher 52 the aforesaid 
Emir Mengeser, Prince Moge, who was in command of the army, 
and Choqbal Kiiregen 53 of the Kereit bone, with their armies had 
surrounded Shiremun, Naqu, Totoq, and the other princes that were 
with them. They then sent a messenger to them to say: “A tale has 
been told concerning you and it has been brought to the Qa’an’s 
august ear that you are coming with evil intent. If those words are 
false the proof thereof will be for you to present yourself without 
hesitation at Court. Otherwise we are commanded to arrest you and 
take you thither. Which do you choose of these two alternatives?” 
When they heard this message, being like the point in the middle of 
the circle and their friends and following far away, they were exceed- 
ingly perplexed and bewildered. Of necessity they resigned them- 
selves to fate and, denying the accusation, said: “We are coming with 

51 Or *Baski. Unidentified. 

52 The Sa’ari-Ke’er of SH, which Pelliot ( Campagnes , p. 26) interprets as meaning 
“valley covered with rounded hillocks.” He locates it ( Campagnes , p. 27) to the west 
of the southern part of the great bend of the Kerulen, “la oil il y a les deux lacs 
Qala’atu-nor (‘Lac Profond’), deja connus sous ce nom a l’epoque mongole.” See 
also Polo I, pp. 319 ff. Neither Sari-Keher nor *Maski/*Baski is mentioned by Juvaini. 

53 Juvaini (HWC, p. 578) makes no mention of Moge and the imperial son-in-law 
{kiiregen) Choqbal as accompanying Mengeser. 



good intent.” And on the understanding that they should accompany 
each other to Mongke Qa’an, the aforesaid emirs went to Shiremiin 
and the princes and held cups for one another. Then, accompanied 
only by a small number of horsemen, they set out for the Court of the 
Qa’an. When they drew near, the greater part of their nokers were 
detained and their arms taken from them. And it was commanded 
that some of the emirs who had accompanied the princes should 
stand outside. They were all detained, and then having made obeisance 
nine at a time they entered the or do. For 3 days they feasted and no 
questions were asked of them. On the fourth day, when they came to 
the audience chamber and tried to enter, a messenger from Mongke 
Qa’an arrived and said: “Stay for today.” And at once another mes- 
senger arrived and said: “Let every ndker and soldier that was with 
them go back to his own unit of a thousand, a hundred, or ten. If they 
remain here they will be put to death.” In accordance with this 
command, they all went back and the princes were left alone, and 
a soldier was appointed to guard them. 54 

in the ordo of Chingiz-Khan and tried the princes in person 

The next day Mongke Qa’an went to the ordo of Chingiz-Khan, 
sat upon a chair, and tried Shiremiin and the [other] princes in person. 
He questioned them in the following terms: “This is what has been 
related concerning you. Although it is incredible and inconceivable 
and cannot be heard or accepted by the ear of reason, nevertheless 
it is necessary and essential that this matter be examined and investi- 
gated in an open and friendly manner in order that the countenance 
may be cleansed of the dust of doubt and uncertainty. If this be nought 
but calumniation and slander, the liar and slanderer will receive his 
punishment so that it may be a warning to all mankind.” The princes 
denied their guilt, saying that they had no knowledge of this matter. 
Then Mongke Qa’an ordered Shiremiin’s atabeg, *Qata-Kurin 55 by 

54 The account of the princes’ detention is told here with rather more detail than 
injuvaini (HWC, p. 579). 

55 The corrupt name is undoubtedly to be identified with the *Qata-Kurin of 
Juvainl and the Ho-ta Ch‘ii-lin, that is, Qada- Kurin of the Yuan shih. In both sources 



name, to be questioned with the bastinado, whereupon he confessed 
and said: “The princes knew nothing. We, the emirs, plotted and 
conspired, but the fortune of Mongke Qa’an foiled our scheme.” 
And he struck himself with his sword and so died. 

the case of the emirs who had plotted treason along with the princes 

The next day he ordered the detention of the group of noyans and 
emirs, men such as Elchitei the great noyan, Taunal, Jangi, Qankhitai, 
Sorghan, Taunal the Younger, Toghan, and Yasa’ur , 56 each of whom 
regarded himself as of such rank that the highest heaven had no 
power over him, and also a number of other tiimen commanders and 
leaders, whom it would take too long to name. And he commanded 
the Emir Mengeser, the yarghuchi , 57 to sit and hold an inquiry along 
with a number of other emirs. They began their questioning and 
continued the trial for several days. They put the questions in an 
extremely subtle manner, so that in the end the contradictions in their 
words became apparent, no doubt remained as to their conspiracy, 
and they all together confessed and admitted their guilt, saying: 
“We had made such a conspiracy and plotted treason.” Mongke 
Qa’an, following his laudable custom, wished to accord them the 
honor of pardon and forgiveness, but the noyans and emirs said: 
“To neglect and delay removal of an enemy when the opportunity 
presents itself is remote from the highway of rectitude. 

Wherever thou oughtest to make a scar, when thou puttest a salve thereon, 
it availeth not . 58 

Realizing that their words were spoken out of sincerity and not from 
motives of self-interest or hypocrisy, he ordered them all to be bound 
and imprisoned, and for awhile he reflected about their fate. 

he is included in the list of noyans detained and tried for their part in the conspiracy. 
See HWC, p. 580 and note 88. Juvaini too ( HWC , p. 583) mentions Qada-Kurin’s 
committing a kind of hara-kiri. 

56 These are the names given in Juvaini (HWC, p. 580) minus Qada-Kiirin, whose 
name has however been arbitrarily inserted by Blochet (p. 293) on the basis of mss 
of Juvaini. 57 See Glossary. 

58 According to Muhammad Qazvini, a bait from the Hadiqa of Sana’i. 



One day when he was seated in his Court on the throne of empire 
and sovereignty, he ordered each of the emirs and pillars of state to 
recite a bilig about the guilty men based upon what he had seen. 
Each of them said something within the limits of his understanding 
and to the extent of his knowledge, but none of this took root in his 
heart. Mahmud Yalavach was standing at the far end of the assembly. 
Said Mongke Qa’an: “Why does not this ebiigen 59 say something?” 
They said to Yalavach: “Come forward and speak.” He replied: “In 
the presence of kings it is better to be an ear than a tongue. However 
I remember one story which I will relate if I am so commanded.” 
“Speak,” said Mongke Qa’an. Yalavach related as follows: “When 
Alexander had conquered most of the countries of the world he wished 
to go to India, but his emirs and chief men set foot outside the high- 
way of obedience and loyalty and each of them breathed the breath of 
despotism and autocracy. Alexander was at a loss and sent a messenger 
to Rum to Aristotle, his peerless vizier, to tell him of the refractoriness 
and arrogance of his emirs and to ask what measures he should take 
to deal with them. Aristotle went into a garden with the messenger and 
ordered the trees with large roots to be dug out and small, frail sap- 
lings to be planted in their stead. He gave no reply to the messenger, 
and when the latter grew tired [of waiting] he returned to Alexander 
and said: ‘He gave me no answer.’ ‘What didst thou see him do?’ 
asked Alexander. ‘He went into a garden,’ said the messenger, ‘and 
pulled out the large trees and planted small branches in their stead.’ 
‘He gave his answer’ said Alexander, ‘but thou didst not understand.’ 
And he destroyed the despotic emirs who had been all-powerful and 
set up their sons in their stead.” 

Mongke Qa’an was extremely pleased with this story 60 and realized 
that these people must be done away with and others maintained in 
their place. He ordered the emirs that were imprisoned and those 
who had incited the princes to rebellion and cast them into the gulf 
of so great a crime to be put to the sword of public execution. There 
were seventy-seven persons, all of whom were put to death. Amongst 
them were two sons of Eljigitei, whose mouths were stuffed with stone 

59 Mo. ebiigen, “old man.” 

60 The story (not in Juvaini) is taken from the Muslim version of the Alexander 
Romance. See Budge, pp. xlix, 366-67 and 393-94. 



until they died. As for their father, he was arrested in Badghls and 
taken to Batu to join his sons . 61 

grandson of Chaghatai, his wife Toqashi, and Biiri, and what befell 

Yesiin-To’a, his wife Toqashi, and Biiri now arrived also, having 
left their troops in the road and coming themselves with [only] thirty 
horsemen. He sent Biiri in the company of ambassadors to Batu, who 
put him to death after establishing his guilt. Toqashi Khatun was 
tried by Qara-Hiilegii in the presence of Yesiin-To’a. He ordered 
her limbs to be kicked to a pulp and so relieved his bosom filled with an 
ancient grudge. 

At the time when Shiremiin and Naqu set out, Qadaq realized 
that he was the instigator of that rebellion, that it was he who had 
stirred up the dust of that estrangement, and that it was not in his 
power to make amends; and he therefore held back. Suddenly the 
agents of the Court arrived like so many angels of death and said: 
All thy friends have gone; now ’tis thy turn. 

He pretended to be ill and so they set him on a wagon and brought 
him thus. When he reached the Court, although his guilt was clearer 
and more notorious than the infidelity of Iblis, nevertheless orders 
were given that he should be tried, and after he had confessed and 
admitted to his crime orders were given that he should be dispatched 
after his friends. Praise be to God and blessings and peace upon our 
Lord Muhammad and all his good and holy family ! 

Oghul-Qaimish and Khwaja, the son of Giiyiik; how Oghul-Qaimish 
was put to death ; how he punished the idi-qut 

Since some of the guilty men had not yet arrived and men’s minds 
had not been cleansed of their wickedness, Mongke Qa’an sent 

61 See HWC, p. 590 : JuvainI does not mention Eljigitei’s sons. 



*Burilgitei 62 Noyan with an army consisting of to tumens of valorous 
Turks to the frontiers of Ulugh-Taq, 63 *Qanghai, 64 and *Qum- 
Sengir, 65 which lies between Besh-Baliiq and Qara-Qorum, so that 
from thence his nerge 66 might join the nerge of Qonquran 67 Oghul, 
who was in the region of Qayaliq, and whose nerge stretched to the 
confines of Otrar. And he sent Moge Noyan 68 to the frontier of the 
Qirqiz and the Kem-Kemchi’ut 69 with 2 tumens of troops. And to 
Oghul-Qaimish and Khwaja, who had not yet arrived, he sent Shilemun 
Bitikchi with the following message: “If you had no share with these 
men in this conspiracy it is essential for your happiness that you hasten 
to Court.” When Shilemun had delivered his message, Khwaja 
Oghul was about to commit an abominable act upon him. But one of 
his wives, lower in rank than the rest but superior in wisdom and 
intelligence, prevented his intention and said: “It is the messenger’s 
duty to deliver his message, and in no age have men molested the 
messengers [even] of rebels. How then can one make an attack upon an 
ambassador who has come from Mongke Qa’an? And by the killing 
of one person what harm can be done to his kingdom, especially as 
many evils will spring therefrom ? A sea of unrest and commotion will 
rage; the peaceful world will be set in confusion; the flame of calamity 
will flare up; and then repentance will be of no avail. Mongke Qa’an 
is the aqa and in the position of a father. We must go to him and obey 
his command.” Khwaja listened to her loving advice with the ear of 
consent and showed honor and respect to Shilemun. He set out for 
Court accompanied by his wife, and by his good fortune in hearkening 
to advice he did not fall into the whirlpool of endless troubles but 
alighted in the courtyard of security. 

6z The Pu-lin-chi-tai of the Yuan shih. See HWC, p. 246, note 9. 

63 The “ Great Mountain,” in the region of the present-day Kobdo. 

64 The Khangai mountain range. See HWC, p. 585, note 107 and p. 6og, note 9. 

65 See above. Section 2, p. 1 2 1 , note 95. 

66 On nerge, a variant form of jerge, see Doerfer, I, p. 293. 

67 This is the spelling of the name in Juvaini. Qonq'iran was the fourth son of 
Orda. See HWC, p. 585 and note 109; also above, p. 105. 

68 Juvaini (HWC, p. 585) has Yeke Noyan. 

59 The country (strictly speaking, the people) between the Kem (the Upper Yenisei) 
and its left-bank affluent, the Kemchik. This was the region then inhabited by the 
Qiirqiz (Kirghiz) Turks. See HWC, p. 585, note no, Campagnes, p. 317, Khetagurov, 
pp. 150-51, and Hambis 1956. 



As for Oghul-Qaimish, Khwaja’s mother, she sent back the messenger 
saying: “You princes promised and gave a written undertaking that 
the kingship would always remain in the family of Ogetei Qa’an 
and you would not rebel against his descendants. And how you have 
not kept your word.” When this message was delivered Mongke 
Qa’an was exceedingly angry and wrote the following yarligh: “The 
wives of Jochi-Qasar, Otchigin, and Bilgiitei Noyan, who were the 
brothers of Chingiz-Khan, attended the counsel for the quriltai, but 
Oghul-Qaimish did not. If the qams and Qadaq, Chinqai, and Bala, 70 
who were the emirs of the ordo of Giiyiik Khan, should call or proclaim 
any one ruler or khatun and that person becomes ruler or khatun be- 
cause of their words, they shall see what they shall see.” And at once 
he sent a messenger to seize and bring her with her hands stitched 
together in raw hide. When she arrived she was sent with Qadaqach, 
the mother of Shiremiin, to the ordo of Sorqoqtani Beki. Mengeser 
Yarghuchi stripped her naked, dragged her into court, and began to 
question her. She said: “How can others see a body which has been 
seen by none but a king?” Her guilt having been ascertained she was 
wrapped in felt and flung into the river. 71 Chinqai too arrived, and he 
was dealt with by Danishmand Hajib in Ramadan of the year 650 
[November-December, 1252]. 

In Besh-Baliq the idi-qut, 1,1 who was the leader of the idolaters, 
arranged with certain people to rise up on a Friday, when the Muslims 
were gathered together in the Friday mosque, and kill them all inside 
the mosque. A slave amongst them, who was informed of their plan, 
confessed Islam and, turning informer against them, demonstrated 
their guilt of this crime. The idi-qut was brought to the ordo and put on 
trial ; and when he had confessed his guilt orders were given that he 
should be taken to Besh-Baliq and put to death on a Friday after 
prayers in the presence of the whole population. 73 

70 These were the three secretaries who composed Guyiik’s letter to Innocent IV. 
See Rockhill, p. 28. 

71 Her trial and execution are not mentioned by Juvaini. 

72 The ruler of the Uighur, idi-qut (or rather idhuq-qut, “Holy Majesty”) being a 
title which they took over from the earlier Basmil. See Turcs d’Asie Centrale, p. 37. 

73 For a detailed account of these events, see HWC, pp. 48-53. 



emirs in every direction to deal with the remainder of the rebels and 
how he pardoned their crime 

Since some of the rebels were still left [hidden] in corners and it 
would have been difficult and would have taken a long time to bring 
them to Court, he sent Bala Yarghuchi with a group of nokers to the 
armies of Yesu-Mongke to inquire about these people and put to 
death all that had taken part in the conspiracy. And he sent another 
emir to Khitai charged with the same task. 

And when the thought of those wicked men had been dismissed 
from his august mind the fair character of the fortunate Emperor 
required him to regard it as his first duty to respect the claims of 
kinship and consanguinity. He ordered Shiremun to accompany 
Qubilai Qa’an, Naqu, and Jaghan Noyan to Khitai. As for Khwaja, 
out of gratitude to his wife, who had spoken praiseworthy words, 
he exempted him from taking part in the campaign and fixed his 
yurt in the region of the Selenge, which is near Qara-Qorum. 

It was from this time that discord first appeared amongst the Mon- 
gols. Chingiz-Khan used to urge his sons to concord and unity and 
say: “As long as you are in agreement with one another fortune and 
triumph will be your friends, and your opponents will never gain the 
victory.” By reason of this quality it has been possible for Chingiz- 
Khan and his posterity to conquer the greater part of the world. It is 
said that one day at the time of his first rising to power he was giving 
advice to his sons, and by way of an example he drew an arrow from 
his quiver, gave it to them, and said : “ Break it.” It was broken with only 
a little effort. Then he gave them two, which were also easily broken. 
And he went on increasing the number up to ten, and even the ath- 
letes and bahadurs of the army were unable to break them. “ So it is 
with you also,” he said. “As long as you support one another none will 
gain the victory over you and you will enjoy kingship and empire 
for a long period of time .” 74 Had the sultans of Islam followed the same 
path, their dynasty would not have been extirpated. 

74 Reproduced from Juvaini ( HWC , p. 41 and note 7 and p. 594. The story, as 
Muhammad QazvinI, the editor of Juvaini, points out, is told in Tabari of the famous 
Umaiyad general Muhallab. It is, in fact, the fable of the husbandman and his 



sought permission of Mongke Qa’an to return to their own homes and 
how he dismissed them with the greatest honors and favors 

When the august mind of Mongke Qa’an was relieved of all necessary 
business, and the distraught empire had at last found rest, and the 
kingship had by the unanimous resolve of all the princes been entrusted 
to him, the princes and emirs besought permission to return to their 
own yurts. He commanded them to break up and depart each to his 
own dwelling place, having been favored with all manner of generosity 
and every kind of benevolence. And since Berke and Toqa-Temur, 
who came from Batu, had the greatest distance to go and had been the 
longest absent, he dismissed them first, bestowing upon them all 
manner of gifts without number and sending with them for Batu 
presents worthy of such a king. As for the sons of Koten and Qadaghan 
Oghul and Melik Oghul, he granted each of them an ordo from the 
ordos and residences of Qa’an along with his wives. He next dismissed 
Qara-Hiilegii with great honor, bestowing upon him the place of his 
grandfather which had been seized by his uncle. He returned tri- 
umphant, but when he reached the Altai he died without having 
attained his desire. As for the other princes, emirs, and noyans , he 
dismissed each of them in accordance with the dignity of his rank and 
station. And as for *Kesege, he made him a tarkhan 7S and bestowed upon 
him so much wealth that he became very rich and his rank exceedingly 
high. And when the princes and emirs had departed and their business 
had been dispatched, he turned his attention to the administration and 
organization of the realm and caused the world to flourish with his 

quarrelsome sons, of which the earliest version appears to be that of Babrius. The story 
seems to have been popular amongst the 13th-century Mongols. It occurs in SH, 
where it is related (§§19-20) not of Genghis Khan himself but of his mythical ancestress, 
Alan Qo’a, and it was also known to Ricoldo da Monte Croce (Laurent, pp. 1 19-20) 
and the Armenian Haithon ( Recueil , pp. 154 and 288-89). 

75 “ Tarkhan,” says Juvaini (HWC, pp. 37-38), “are those who are exempt from 
compulsory contributions, and to whom the booty taken on every campaign is surren- 
dered : whenever they so wish they may enter the royal presence without leave or 
permission.” On this ancient Altaic title, see Doerfer, II, No. 879 (pp. 460-74). 



the affairs of the realm and instituted the administration and organiza- 
tion thereof; how he showed mercy to all classes of men; and how he 
dismissed the governors of the various regions. 

When Mongke Qa’an’s royal resolve was directed toward favoring 
the righteous and subduing rebels, and the reins of his auspicious mind 
were turned toward the path of relieving the people and alleviating 
all manner of compulsory labor, his perfect intellect preferred earnest- 
ness to jest, and, abandoning the constant quaffing of ancient wine, 
he first dispatched armies to the uttermost parts of the East and West 
and to the lands of the Arabs and non-Arabs. The eastern part of the 
Empire he bestowed upon the Sahib Mahmud Yalavach, whose former 
services had been rewarded with marks of favor and who had arrived 
before his auspicious accession, and the country of the Uighur, Fargh- 
ana, and Khwarazm [he bestowed] upon the Emir Mas‘ud Beg, 
who had experienced much terror and danger because of his honesty 
and devotion to the Emperor and who, like his father, had had the 
honor of being received in audience before the rest. In token of his 
gratitude he dismissed them first, and those who had accompanied 
them from all parts were distinguished with every kind of favor. 
Thereafter, the Emir Arghun Aqa, who because of the length of his 
journey had arrived after the quriltai had broken up and who had 
previously distinguished himself in service and devotion to the Emperor, 
was singled out by the granting of his wishes and the attainment of his 
desires; and there was entrusted to him authority over the countries 
of Persia, such as Khurasan, Mazandaran, ‘Iraq, Fars, Kirman, 
Adharbaijan, Georgia, Lur, Arran, Armenia, Rum, Diyar Bakr, 
Mosul, and Aleppo. And those maliks, emirs, ministers, and bitikchis 
who accompanied him were on his recommendation treated with 
favor; and on the 20th of Ramadan 650 [24th of November, 1252] 
he set out on the return journey. ‘All Malik 76 was sent as his ndker, 
and the region of Isfahan and Nishapur in particular was entrusted 
to him. They were ordered to carry out a new census of the ulus and 
the army, to introduce a fixed tax, and, when they had finished these 

-^Juvaim ( HWC , pp. 513 and 518) gives his name as Nasir al-Din ‘All Malik. 



tasks, to return to Court. And he ordered each of them to investigate 
and inquire into the previous taxes because he was concerned with 
alleviating the lot of the people, not increasing the wealth in the 
treasury. And he issued a yarligh about reducing the people[’s taxes]. 
And since after the death of Guyiik Khan many of the khatuns and 
princes had issued yarlighs and paizas without number to the people, 
had dispatched ambassadors to all parts of the Empire, and had given 
protection to noble and base on the pretext of their being ortaqs, etc., 
he issued a. yarligh instructing each one of them to conduct an inquiry 
in his own territory and call in all the yarlighs and paizas which the 
people had received from them and the other princes during the reigns 
of Chingiz-Khan, Ogetei Qa’an, and Guyiik Khan. Henceforth the 
princes were not to write or issue instructions in any matter relating 
to the administration of the provinces without consulting the ministers 
of the Court. As for the great ambassadors, they were not to have the 
use of more than fourteen post horses: they should proceed from jam 
to yam and not seize the people’s animals en route. In the reign of 
Qa’an it had been the custom for merchants to come to Mongolia on 
post horses. He denounced this practice, saying: “ Merchants journey 
to and fro for the sake of gain. What is the point in their riding post 
horses?” And he commanded them to travel on their own animals . 77 
He likewise commanded ambassadors not to enter any town or village 
in which they had no business and not to take more than the amount of 
provisions allotted to them. Furthermore, since injustice and oppression 
had gained the upper hand and the peasants in particular had been 
driven to despair by the quantity of troubles and requisitions and the 
collection of levies to such an extent that the produce of their crops did 
not amount to the half of the requisitions, he gave orders that noble 
and base, ortaqs and financial and administrative agents should 
tread the path of lenity and compassion with their subordinates. Each 
should pay in proportion to his circumstances and ability the amount 
due from him according to the assessment without excuses or delay, 
except those who were exempt from inconveniences and exactions, in 
accordance with th eyarligh of Chingiz-Khan and Qa’an, that is, of the 
Muslims, the great saiyids and shaikhs and the excellent imams, of the 

77 The ban on the use of post horses by merchants is not mentioned by Juvaini. 



Christians, the erke’uns, 78 priests, monks, and scholars ( ahbar ), of the idola- 
ters the famous toy'ins f and of every community those who were advanced 
in age and no longer capable of earning a living. 80 And in order that 
every agent might make a [new] distribution every day he instituted 
an annual scheme whereby in the countries of Khitai a man of great 
wealth paid 1 1 dinars and so on, in proportion down to a poor man 
who paid but one; and so it was in Transoxiana also; in Khurasan 
and ‘Iraq a rich man paid 7 dinars and a poor man 1 dinar. The 
governors and scribes were not to show favor or partiality or to take 
bribes. As for the levy on animals, which they call qubchur , 81 if a person 
had a hundred head of a particular kind of beast he was to give one, 
and if he had less, none. And whenever there were arrears of taxes 
and whoever owed them they were not to be exacted from the peasants. 

And of all the peoples and religious communities he showed most 
honor and respect to the Muslims and bestowed the largest amount of 
gifts and alms upon them. A proof of this is the following: On the 
occasion of the id-i fitr in the year 650 [5th of December, 1252] the 
Cadi Jalal al-Dln Khujandl and a group of Muslims were present at 
the gate of the ordo. The cadi delivered the sermon and led the prayers, 
adorning the khutba with the titles of the Caliph. He likewise prayed 
for Mongke Qa’an and uttered praises of him. [Mongke] ordered them 
to be given wagon-loads of gold and silver balish and costly clothing as a 
present for the festival, and the greater part of mankind had their 
share thereof. 

He issued a command for the release of all captives and prisoners 
throughout the Empire; and messengers proceeded to all parts upon 
this errand. 

Now were one to begin describing the deeds which occur daily in that 
Court by reason of his justice and equity, whole volumes would be 
filled to overflowing and there would be no end to these tales. A little 
of it is a guide to the greater part. 

And since the fame of his justice and equity had spread to all the 

78 On erke’un , “Christian (Nestorian) priest,” see Doerfer, I, No. 15 (pp. 123-25). 

79 T. toy in, from Chinese tao-jen, “Buddhist priest.” 

80 That these privileges were denied to the Jews ( HWC , p. 5gg) is passed over in 
silence by Rashid al-Din. Spuler (ig3g, p. 24g) adduces this silence as one of the 
indications of the historian’s Jewish origin. 

81 See above, Section 1, p. 55, note 2 1 7. 



ends and corners of the lands, Turks and Tazlks from far and near 
with a sincere desire sought refuge in allegiance to him. And the kings 
of countries that had not yet submitted sent gifts and presents. 

As there has already been some brief mention of his praiseworthy 
qualities and character, we shall relate a story which comprehends 
many noble attributes in order that mankind may know of a certainty 
that this narration is unmarked with the brand of extravagance. 
Merchants used to come from all parts to the Court of Giiyuk Khan 
and conclude large deals with his ministers, receiving in payment 
drafts upon the various lands. However, on account of his death these 
sums were held up and did not reach them. His servants, sons, and 
nephews continued to conclude deals in this fashion and to write 
drafts upon the lands, and crowds of merchants arrived one after 
another and carried out further transactions for which they received 
drafts. When Mongke Qa’an was auspiciously seated upon the throne 
and the position of those people had changed from what it was, some 
merchants had not received a tenth part of [the payment on] their 
goods, some had not reached the stage of a transfer, some had not 
received a draft, some had not delivered their wares, and some had 
not fixed the prices. Being at their wits’ end, they set out for Court 
and, by way of a test and in hope of [enjoying the benefit of] his 
justice and bounty, they entered the audience chamber and brought 
their case to the ears of Mongke Qa’an. The functionaries of the Court 
and the pillars of state protested on the grounds that it was not neces- 
sary to pay the amount due on this transaction from the Emperor’s 
treasury and that no one could object [if payment was refused]. 
Nevertheless, because of his perfect compassion, he spread the wing of 
benevolence over them and issued a yarligh that the whole sum should 
be met from the finances of his Empire. It amounted to more than 
500,000 gold and silver balish, and had he withheld it none would have 
had cause to object. With such bounty he stole away the glory of 
Hatim-like kings. And in what work of history has it been heard that 
a king paid the debt of another king ? This is a particular instance of his 
excellent practices and pleasing customs from which one can deduce 
his behavior in other matters. 82 

He commanded that whenever there was to be an inquiry into the 

82 Abridged from Juvaini ( HWC , pp. 602-604). 



affairs of people at large this task should be undertaken by Mengeser 
Noyan together with a body of experienced emirs, who should thus 
consolidate the foundations of justice. And Bulghai Aqa, who had 
acquired rights by reason of his past services, he commanded to be 
leader of the scribes and to write and copy the decrees and mandates. 
Of the Muslim bitikchis, he appointed Tmad al-Mulk, who had occu- 
pied this position at the Courts of Ogetei Qa’an and Giiyuk Khan, 
and the Emir Fakhr al-Mulk, who was an ancient servant of the Court. 
They were not to issue paizas to merchants, so that a distinction might 
be made between them and those engaged in the affairs of the Divan. 
Some of these have brought goods to sell to the treasury. Some value 
jewelry, others furs, others cash money. He also appointed experienced 
well-informed and adroit persons to issue yarlighs, strik e paizas, [super- 
vise] the arsenal, and deal with the affairs of every community and 
people. And it was commanded that all these officials should avoid the 
stain of usury and excessive covetousness. They were to arrest no one 
and were to bring each man’s case promptly to the Emperor’s atten- 
tion. They are attended by scribes of every kind for Persian, Uighur, 
Khitayan, Tibetan, and Tangqut, so that [for] whatever place a 
decree has to be written it may be issued in the language and script of 
that people. When were there such organization and such customs in 
the days of ancient kings and the reigns of bygone sultans? Truly, if 
they were alive today, they would follow this path. 

brothers Qubilai Qa’an and Hiilegii Khan with armies into the East 
and the West and how he himself set out to conquer the lands and 
countries of Khitai that had not yet submitted 

When Mongke Qa’an had been auspiciously seated upon the throne 
of the empire and had brought victory to his friends and defeat to his 
enemies, he passed the whole of the winter in the yurt of Ogetei Qa’an, 
which is in the region of Qara-Qorum in a place called Ongq'in . 83 
And when the second year came round after the great quriltai, being 
now firmly established on the seat of fortune and no longer concerned 
with the affairs of friend and foe, he turned his august attention toward 

83 See above. Section i, p. 64, note 281 . 



the subjugation of the farthest East and West of the world. And first, 
because a number of persons seeking justice against the Heretics had 
been brought to his most noble notice, he dispatched against them 
into the land of the Tajiks in the Year of the Ox 84 his youngest brother 
Hiilegii Khan, upon whose forehead he had observed the signs of 
conquest, sovereignty, royal majesty, and fortune. And his middle 
brother, Qubilai Qa’an, he appointed and dispatched in the Year of the 
Panther 85 to defend and conquer the eastern countries, sending 
Muqali Guyang 86 of the Jalayir people to accompany him. (The 
details [of these campaigns] will be given in the histories of both princes 
when they became rulers .) 87 When Qubilai had already set out, he 
sent a messenger back from the road to say that no provisions were to 
be found along that route and it was impossible to travel by it. If the 
command was given, they could proceed to the province of Qara- 
Jang . 88 Permission was given and Qubilai Qa’an attacked and plund- 
ered that province, which is known as Qandahar , 89 and then returned 
to Mongke Qa’an. Thereafter, Mongke Qa’an held a quriltai in a 
place called Qorqonaq Jubur , 90 which lies in the middle of Mongolia. 
It was in this place that Qutula Qa’an, when he had gained a victory, 
danced under a tree with his ndkers until the ground fell into a ditch . 91 
When the quriltai was over, and the great crowd of people had dis- 
persed, and each of the emirs and princes was uttering a bilig, in the 
midst of all this Derekei 92 Kiiregen of the Ikires 93 people, who was a 
son-in-law of Chingiz-Khan, said: “The kingdom of Nangiyas is so 
near and they are hostile to us. How can we neglect and delay [our 

84 1253. 85 1254. 

86 On Muqali Guyang (guyang is the Chinese title kuo-wang, “prince of the kingdom”) 
the famous general whom Genghis Khan left in command in China during his absence 
in western Asia, see Campagnes, pp. 360-72. 

87 For Qubilai’s campaign in China, see below, pp. 246ff.; for Hiilegii’s campaign in 
the West, see Arends, pp. 20-47, and CHI, pp. 340 ff. 

88 Marco Polo’s Caragian, the Mongol name for Yunnan. See Polo I, pp. 169-81. 

89 See below, p. 247 and note 23. 

90 Unidentified. A wooded region on the banks of the Onon. See SH, §§57, 1 15-17, 
201, and 206. The quriltai here was held in the autumn of 1257. 

91 On the victory dance of Qutula, a great uncle of Genghis Khan, see SH, §57, 
Arends, p. 197 (where his name is wrongly given as Qubilai Qa’an), and CHI, p. 392, 

92 Or Dayirkei. He was a kiiregen (“imperial son-in-law”), being the husband of 
Genghis Khan’s daughter Tiimelun. See Khetagurov, p. 164. 

93 The Ikires were a branch of the Qonq'irat. There is still an “ Ikirat ” clan amongst 
the Buryat Mongols. See Campagnes, pp. 31-32. 



attack]?” Mongke Qa’an approved these words and said: “Our 
fathers and aqas, who were the former rulers, each of them wrought a 
deed and conquered a land and raised up his name amongst man- 
kind. I too shall go to war in person and march against Nangiyas.” 94 
The princes replied with one voice: “One who is ruler of the face of 
the earth and has seven brothers, how shall he go to war against the 
enemy in his own person?” And he said: “As we have spoken finally, 
to oppose our words is remote from counsel and policy.” And in the 
taulai yil, 9S corresponding to Muharram of the year 653 [February- 
March, 1255], which was the sixth 96 year from his auspicious accession, 
he went to war against Jaugan, 97 the ruler of Khitai, leaving his 
youngest brother Ariq Boke in charge of the ordos and the Mongol 
army that had been left behind there. He likewise entrusted the ulus 
to [Ari'q Boke] and left his own son fJriing-Tash with him. As for the 
armies he took with him, he appointed to the command of them the 
following princes, kuregens, and great emirs. The right 98 hand — Princes : 
[from the] branch of the house of Qa’an; Yeke-Qadan, and Totaq; 
[from the] branch of the house of Chaghatai; Qushiqai and other 
princes, Abishqa, Narin-Qadan and Qadaqchi-Sechen; [from the] 
branch of the sons of Tolui; Moge and Asutai; [and from the] branch 

of the cousins of Ja’utu and other princes, Emirs: Baiju 

of the house of Mongke Qa’an; [and] Qorchi Noyan. The left hand 100 
- — Princes: Taghachar, son of Otchi Noyan; [and] Yesiingge, son of 
Jochi-Qasar; Emirs: Chaqula, son of Elchitei Noyan; Qurumshi, 
son of Muqali Guyang; 101 Alchi Noyan 102 of the Qonqirat; Nachin 

94 See above, p. 22 and note 43. 

95 The Year of the Hare: Mo. taulai, “hare.” The campaign was actually launched 
early in 1258, a Year of the Horse. See also below, p. 225 and note 108 and p. 228 and 
note 123. 

96 The reference apparently is not to his official enthronement in 1251 but to the 
earlier ceremony held under the auspices of Batu in 1 249. 

97 From the Chinese Chao kuan, “Chao official.” This was the Mongols’ contemptu- 
ous designation of the Sung Emperor, who bore the family name of Chao. 

98 That is, the West. 99 Blank in Blochet’s mss. 

100 That is, the East. 

101 The name of Muqali’s only son according to the Chinese sources and another 
passage in Rashid al-DIn (Khetagurov, p. 93) was not Qurumshi but Bo’ol. See 
Campagnes, p.371. 

102 The brother-in-law of Genghis Khan. He had fought in the war against the Chin 
and had also apparently taken part in the Campaign in the West. See Boyle 1963, p. 238. 



Kiiregen 103 of the Qpnqirat; Derekei Kuregen of the Ikires people; 
Kehetei and Bujir 104 of the Uru’ut; [and] Mongke-Qalja and Chaghan 
Noyan of the Mangqut. 

All these tribes, [which made up] the Mongol army, now set out 
upon the campaign. Those who belonged to the right hand, along 
with the Jauqut, accompanied Mongke Qa’an. The sum total of those 
two bodies was 60 tiimens. The Jauqut consist of [the people of] Khitai, 
Tangqut, Jiirche, and Solangqa, which regions are called Jauqut 
by the Mongols. 105 The armies of the left hand he dispatched, under 
the aforementioned Taghachar, by another route. Their sum total 
was 30 tiimens , and their leader [was] the aforesaid Taghachar. In 
that council Bilgiitei Noyan said: “Qubilai Qa’an has already carried 
out one campaign and performed his task. Now he is suffering from 
gout. 106 If it be so ordered, let him go home.” Mongke Qa’an approved 
of this. Bilgiitei Noyan was a hundred and ten years old, and he died 
that year. 107 

In the luy'il, loS corresponding to Muharram of the year 654 [January 
-February, 1256], they set out, Mongke Qa’an and Kokechii, the son of 
Subetei Bahadur, being of the right flank, with 10 tiimens. That summer 
Mongke Qa’an arrived on the frontiers of Tangqut and Nangiyas and 
he passed the summer in a place called Liu Pan Shan. 109 It was in 
this place that Chingiz-Khan was taken ill and died when he arrived 
there upon his way to Khitai. In the autumn he set out for Yesiin 
Qahalqa, 110 which is on the frontier of Nangiyas, and captured twenty 

103 He was the son of Alchi Noyan. Neither he nor Derekei is mentioned in Verk- 
hovsky’s text. 

I0+ On Bujir, see Campagnes, pp. 5-7. 

105 On the termjauqut, see Polo I, pp. 227-29. 

106 Dard-i pai. 

107 Belgutei, Genghis Khan’s half brother, born ca. 1 1 72, would, in fact, have been 
only eighty-six years old in 1 258. See Campagnes, p. 186. 

i°8 The Year of the Dragon: T. lu. “dragon.” Apparently 1258 (a Year of the Horse) 
is meant. 

109 The Liupan or Lung Shan mountains in Kansu. 

1,0 In Mongol, “Nine Gates (Passes).” In a letter dated the 19th April, 1968, 
Dr. Igor de Rachewiltz writes: “This name is briefly mentioned by Pelliot, Notes on 
Marco Polo, I, 327, but no identification is suggested. We know that Mongke, after 
spending most of the month of May 1258 at Liu-p‘an shan in Kansu, divided his 
forces into three armies which invaded Szechwan from different directions. The army 



fortresses in that region. That province is called Khan Siman . 111 
He encamped around a great fortress called Do Li Shang 112 and laid 
siege to it. He had sent T aghachar N oyan with 1 00,000 horsemen by way 
of the great river Qa’an-Keng 113 to besiege and reduce the great towns 
of Sang Yang Fu 114 and Fang Cheng . 115 When he arrived there, his 
army besieged [these towns] for a week and, not being able to capture 
them, withdrew and encamped in their own quarters. Mongke Qa’an 
was angry at this and reprimanded them. He sent this message: “When 
you return we shall order a suitable punishment.” And Qpri'qchi , 116 
the brother of Yesungge, sent this message to Taghachar: “Qubilai 
Qa’an took many towns and fortresses, but you have returned with 
stolen battles, that is, you have been busy only with food and drink.” 

Nangiyas in accordance with aj yarl'igh; how he laid siege to the town 
of Yauju ; 117 and how he turned back and crossed the River Gang 

led by Mongke passed through the San Pass, the other two armies crossed the Mi- 
ts'ang Pass and the Yii Pass. See the Yuan-shih (Po-na ed.) 3, 8b-ga. Since Rashid 
speaks of Mongke’s army, the place in question should be the San Pass. If so, Yisiin 
Qahalqa must be the Mongol name of this pass and/or of the mountainous area 
around it.” 

111 On this unidentified name, Dr. de Rachewiltz writes in the same letter: “I 
would tentatively propose either Han-shui nan, that is, ‘ [the region] south of the 
Han-shui,’ or more likely Han hsi-nan that is, ‘ [the region] southwest of the Han 
(= Han-shui).’ This was, broadly speaking, the area in which Mongke’s military 
operations took place.” 

112 Verkhovsky reads this name Dali Shank and identifies it with the Tiao-yii shan 
mountains near Ho chou (Hochwan), the actual stronghold to which the Mongols 
were laying siege. 

113 The Yangtse. Referred to elsewhere as Keng (Chinese chiang “large river”) 
or Keng Moren (Mo. moren, “river”), it is here called the “Emperor river.” Cf. 
Polo’s Quian or Quiansui, on which see Polo II, pp. 8 1 7-20. 

114 Siangyang (Siangfan) in Hupeh: Polo’s Saianfu, on the siege of which see 

below, pp. 290-91. 115 Fanchengin Hupeh. 

116 None of the sources mention a son of Jochi-Q_asar bearing this name. 

117 Verkhovsky (p. 147, note 51) takes this to be O chou (Wuchang), spelt Oju 
below, pp. 229 and 248. However, it would appear that in the present chapter the 
earlier operations in Yunnan (see below, pp. 246-47) have been confused with the 
campaign of 1258-1259; and Yauju may well be Yao chou, identified in the Yuan 
shih with Ya-ch‘ih (Polo’s laci), that is, apparently, Yun-nan fu, the modern Kunming. 
See Polo II, pp. 747-48. 



Thereupon Mongke Qa’an gave this order: “Qubilai Qa’an, 
although he is ill, has again taken part in a campaign. Let him hand 
over this campaign to Taghachar, and let Taghachar take part in his 
stead.” When the yarligh arrived, Qubilai Qa’an sent the following 
message : “ My gout is better. How is it fitting that my aqa should go on 
a campaign and I should remain idle at home?” And he at once set 
out and made for Nangiyas. And because the road was extremely long 
and difficult, the country in rebellion, and the climate unhealthy, in 
order to save themselves they fought two or three times a day and 
went on until they came to the town of Yauju, which they besieged 
until of io tiimens only 2 tiimens were left. Then Qubilai Qa’an withdrew 
from the campaign, 118 leaving Uriyangqadai with Bahadur Noyan, 119 
the son of Chila’un Guyang, the son of Muqali Guyang, and an 
army of 5 tiimens. He built a bridge of boats over the River Keng 
Miiren. An immense army now arrived from Nangiyas, and the Mongol 
army wished to cross the bridge, but [this] proved impossible, and 
many of them fell in the water or perished at the hands of the Nangi- 
yas. 120 Some were left behind in those regions, and afterward, when 
Nangiyas had been conquered, those who survived came back. 
Qubilai Qa’an, leaving those parts, came to his ordo near the town of 
Jungdu 121 and alighted there. And during this time Mongke Qa’an 
was engaged in besieging the aforementioned town. 

ill and died; how his coffin was brought to the ordos; and how they 
mourned him 

118 Here the reference would seem to be to Qubilai’s withdrawal from the Yunnan 
campaign after the fall of Tali. See Franke, V, p. 3 18. 

119 According to an inscription quoted by Pelliot { Campagnes , p, 371 Bahadur was a 
younger brother, not the son, of Chila’un, and their father was not Muqali but his 
son Bo’ol. 

120 Uriyangqadai, advancing northward through Kwangsi and Hunan after his 
victories in Annam, reached the Yangtse at the beginning of 1260. The bridge of 
boats was, on the orders of the Sung commander rammed by a flotilla of junks while 
his troops were crossing, but only 1 70 men were lost. See Franke, IV, p. 325. 

121 The Chinese Chung-tu “Middle Capital”, that is, Peking. Qubilai arrived 
here at the beginning of 1260, not, as implied in the next sentence, whilst his brother 
was still laying siege to Hochwan. 



When Mongke Qa’an was laying siege to the aforesaid fortress, the 
summer having come on and the heat being intense, the climate of the 
region gave rise to an epidemic of dysentery, and cholera too attacked 
the troops, so that many of them died. To ward off the cholera the 
World Emperor began to drink wine and persisted in doing so. All of a 
sudden he was seized with an indisposition, his illness 122 came to a 
crisis, and in the mogha yil 123 corresponding to Muharram of the year 
655 [January, 1257] he passed away beneath that ill-fated fortress. 
He was fifty-two years of age, and this year was the seventh from his 
accession to the throne of the Empire. 124 

Upon the occurrence of [Mongke Qa’an’s] death, Asutai Oghul 
left Qundaqai Noyan in charge of the army, and, taking his father’s 
coffin, brought it to the ordos. They mourned for him in the four ordos : 
on the first day in the ordo of Qutuqtai Khatun, on the second day in the 
ordo of Qotai 125 Khatun, on the third day in the ordo of Chabui Kha- 
tun, 126 who had accompanied him on that campaign, and on the fourth 
day in the ordo of Kisa Khatun. 127 Each day they placed the coffin 
on a throne in a [different] ordo and lamented over him with the 
greatest possible fervor. Then they buried him in Bulqan-Qaldun, 128 
which they call Yeke-Qoruq, 129 alongside Chingiz-Khan and Tolui 

122 According to some reports, he died of an arrow-wound. See Franke, IV, p. 
324, V, pp. 170-71. 

123 Year of the Snake: Mo. moghai, “snake.” In point of fact his death occurred 2 
years later, on the 1 ith August, 1 259. Cf. above, p. 224 and note 95. 

124 Born on the ioth January, 1209, he was in his fifty-first year at the time of his 
death. If one reckons his reign from the ceremony of 1249 (see above, p. 224, note 96), 
1257 was the eighth year; so too there were eight years between his enthronement in 
1251 and the actual date of his death in 1 259 . 

125 Rubruck’s Cota, Mongke’s second wife, an “idol follower” (Rockhill, p. 190), 
whom the friar visited on her sick bed and who taught him a little Mongol (Rockhill, 
pp. 192-94). 

126 The chief wife of Qubilai. See below, p. 241 . 

127 Presumably one of Mongke’s wives; she is not mentioned elsewhere. 

128 For the normal Burqan-Qaldun, “Buddha Mountain” (cf. its other name 
Buda-Ondiir, “Buddha Height,” below, pp. 310 and 314) or, according to Rintchen, 
“Willow God, Holy Willow.” The most recent support for its identification with 
Kentei Qan in the Great Kentei range in northeastern Mongolia comes from Professor 
Johannes Schubert. See Polo /, pp. 339-47, Schubert, pp. 72 and 95 ff., and Poppe 
1956. PP- 33 - 35 - 

129 The “Great Inviolable Sanctuary.” On this secret cemetery of the Mongol 
Great Khans, see Polo I, pp. 335 ff. On T. qoruq, “inviolable sanctuary, taboo,” see 
Doerfer, III, No 1462 (pp. 444-50). 



Khan. May God Almighty make the Lord of Islam 130 during many 
years the heir to [countless] lives and may He grant him enjoyment 
of empire, power, and kingship, by His grace and the amplitude of 
His bounty! 

during that campaign and how the news of Mongke Qa’an’s death 
reached him 

At that time, Qubilai Qa’an had departed from thence and had 
reached the great river of the Nangiyas country which they call 
Khui Kho . 131 When he heard the bad news about Mongke Qa’an 
he consulted Bahadur Noyan, the grandson 132 of Muqali Guyang, 
and said: “Let us pay no attention to this rumor.” And he sent Erke 
Noyan, the son of Bulqan Qalcha of the Barulas people, ahead with 
the vanguard, and he himself followed. They captured and killed 
the scouts of the Nangiyas army and so prevented them from reporting 
that news. Then he crossed the River Keng, which is 2 parasangs 
wide, by boat and came to the town of Oju , 133 which he besieged and 
captured . 134 A force, which had returned from fighting against 
Mongke Qa’an, came to the aid of that town: the names of their 
commanders were Gia Dau 135 and Ulus Taifu . 136 When they arrived, 
Qubilai Qa’an had already taken the town. Immediately afterward 
there arrived messengers from Chabui Khatun and the emirs of her 
ordo, Taichi’utai Noyan and Yekii Noyan. The messengers, whose 

130 That is, Ghazan. 

131 The Hwai Ho. See also below, p. 248 and note 29. 

132 This is correct. See above, p. 227 and note x 19. 

133 O chou, the modern Wuchang, in Hupeh. See above, p. 226, note 1 17. 

134 In actual fact, Qubilai, upon receiving the news of his brother’s death, raised the 
siege of Wuchang and withdrew northward, having first concluded some kind of 
peace with the Sung. See Steppes , pp. 351-52, and Franke, IV, pp. 324-25. 

135 Reading KYA DAW with Blochet’s MS. B. This was the infamous Chia Ssu-tao, 
to whose incompetence and cowardice the collapse of the Sung was largely due. 
See Franke, IV, pp. 322 IT., 330 ff., 336 If. 

136 According to the Yuan shih (quoted by Verkhovsky, p. 148, note 68), the second 
of the two commanders was Lit Wen-te, the brother of Lii Wen-huan, the defender 
of Siangyang. His name, however, bears little resemblance to Rashid al-Din’s Ulus 
Taifu. On taifu (Chinese t'ai-fu) as a military title, see below, p. 278, Polo I, p. 222, 
and Polo II, pp. 851-52. 



names were Toqan and Ebiigen, brought the news of Mongke Qa’an’s 
death. And when Qubilai Qa’an realized that the news was true, he 
left the army and mourned for his brother. He was now left alone in 
the Nangiyas country, and Hulegii Khan was in the West, in the 
Tazik country, both of them at a great distance from the capital. 
When, therefore, Ariq Boke heard the news of his brother’s death, his 
glance fell upon the throne and the Empire, and the emirs and attend- 
ants encouraged him in this until he rose in rebellion against Qubilai 
Qa’an. The general and particular history of Ar'iq Boke [and] the 
sons of Mongke Qa’an, Asutai and Uriing-Tash, will all be included 
in the history of Qubilai Qa’an, if God so wills. 137 

The history of Mongke Qa’an and the detailed account of the events 
of his reign are now complete, and we shall begin recording, briefly 
and concisely, if God Almighty so wills, the history of the Emperors of 
Khitai and Machin and the emirs, caliphs, sultans, maliks, and alabegs 
of the lands of Persia, Syria, Egypt, and the West that were contempor- 
ary with him, from the beginning of the qaqayil, corresponding to the 
year 648/1250 to the end of the moghayil, falling in Muharram of the 
year 655 [January-February, 1257]. 

Machin and the emirs, caliphs, sultans, maliks , and atabegs of Persia 
and the countries of Syria, Egypt, and the West that were contemporary 
with Mongke Qa’an, from the beginning of the qaqa yil, that is, 
the Year of the Pig, corresponding to the year 648/1250-1251, to the 
end of the moghayil, that is, the Year of the Snake, corresponding to the 
year 655/ 1 2 57- 1258; the strange and unusual occurrences that happened 
during this period 

History of the emperors of Khitai and Machin 
History of the emirs, caliphs, atabegs, sultans, and maliks 

History of the emirs 

The Emir Arghun Aqa, who was governor of most of the countries of 
Persia, set out for the Court of Mongke in Jumada I of the year 649 

137 See below, pp. 252-65. 



[July-August, 1251] to attend the quriltai. When he arrived there the 
quriltai had already been held and, the princes and emirs having 
dispersed, Mongke Qa’an, was busy arranging the affairs of the Empire. 
On the day after his arrival, he presented himself before the Emperor, 
it being the 1st Muharram of the year 650 [ 1 6th March, 1251], and 
reported on the confused conditions in Persia. He was distinguished 
with marks of favor, and inasmuch as the qalan of the people of these 
parts had previously been fixed at 7 dinars a year for a rich man and 
one dinar for a poor man, Mongke Qa’an commanded that no further 
demands should be made on them. He gave him a yarl'igh and charged 
him to follow the same course as previously, and he turned back, 
having obtained the office of sahib-divan for Baha al-Din Juvaini and 
Siraj al-Din, who was a bitikchi representing Beki, and having received 
a. yarl’igh and paiza for them. They set out in the year 651/1253-1254, 
and when the Emir Arghun arrived in Khurasan he caused the edicts 
to be read out and delivered the yasas. The people rejoiced and he 
commanded that no one should contravene [these yasas] or offer vio- 
lence to the peasantry. And having put the affairs of Persia to rights, 
he then, in accordance with the command, set out together with 
Najm al-DIn Gilabadi for the Court of Batu by way of Darband. And 
having carried out a census of the countries of Persia and imposed a 
fixed tax, he remained in charge of the affairs of that country until the 
arrival of Hiilegii Khan. 138 

History of the caliphs 

In Baghdad the caliph was aI-Musta £ sim billah, a pious and ascetic 
man who never drank intoxicants or stretched out his hand to anything 
unlawful. During these years Husam al-Din Khalil Badr ibn Khurshid 
al-Baluchi, who was one of the chiefs of the Kurds, 139 abandoned his 
allegiance to the caliphs and took refuge with the Mongols. He had 
previously worn the garb of the Sufis and considered himself a disciple 

138 Abridged fromjuvaini (HWC, pp. 514-21). 

139 In fact, he belonged to a collateral branch of the atabegs of Lesser Lur and had 
recently overthrown and killed (1242) the then ruler, ‘Izz al-Din Garshasf. His 
hostility toward Sulaiman-Shah was due to the fact that ‘Izz al-Din’s widow, who was 
Sulaiman-Shah’s sister, had sought asylum with her brother along with her three 
infant sons. See Qazvini’s note on Sulaiman-Shah, Juvaini, III, pp. 453-63 (457-59). 



of Saiyidi Ahmad . 140 At that time, having plotted with a party of 
Mongols, he went to Khulanjan , 141 in the neighborhood of Najaf, 
attacked some of Sulaiman-Shah’s followers, killing and plundering, 
and then departed from thence to the castle of Vahar , 142 which be- 
longed to Sulaiman-Shah, and laid siege to it. Sulaiman-Shah received 
news of this and, having obtained the Caliph’s permission, set out for 
that region in order to drive him off. When he reached Hulwan , 143 
an immense army rallied around him, and a number of Muslims and 
Mongols gathered around Khalil also. They met at a place called 
Sahr . 144 Sulaiman-Shah had set an ambush, and when the fighting 
became fierce he turned in flight and Husam al-Din Khalil went in 
pursuit of him. When he had passed the ambush he turned back, 
and the soldiers broke ambush and caught [Khalil and his army] 
between them, killing a great number. Khalil was captured and put 
to death, and his brother, who had sought refuge in a mountain, 
asked for quarter and came down. Sulaiman-Shah captured two 
castles in their country: Shigan , 145 which is a strong fortress, and the 
castle of Dizbaz in the middle of the town of Shapur-Khwast . 146 

During these years a party of Mongols, nearly fifteen thousand 
horsemen, attacked the neighborhood of Baghdad from Hamadan, 
and one detachment of them attacked Khanaqin, fell upon a detach- 
ment of Sulaiman-Shah’s men, and came , 147 Others again 

went toward Shahrazur . 148 The Caliph ordered Sharaf al-Din Iqbal 
Sharabi, Mujahid al-Din Ai-Beg, the Lesser Davat-Dar, and ‘Ala 
al-Din Altun-Bars, the Greater Davat-Dar 149 to go out [of the city] 

140 Apparently the dervish-saint Ahmad al-Badawi (d. 1276) who spent some time in 
Iraqca. 1236. See El 2 s.v. 141 Unidentified. 

142 The present-day Bahar, 8 miles northwest of Hamadan. On Shihab al-Din 
Sulaiman-Shah, the ruler of the Ive Turcomans and afterward the unsuccessful 
defender of Baghdad against the Mongols, see Qazvini’s note referred to above, note 139. 

143 Near the present-day Sar-Pul-i Zuhab. 

144 Unidentified. According to Qazvini, (Juvaini, III, p. 458) the battle was fought 
in an equally unidentified place called Dihliz. 

145 Unidentified. 146 The later Khurramabad. 

147 Blank in two of Blochet’s mss. 

148 The present-day Halabja Plain in the Liwa of Sulaimaniya. 

149 On the Lesser Davat-Dar, see above, p. 192, note 51. The Greater Davat-Dar 
‘Ala al-Din Abu Shuja* Altun-Bars ibn ‘Abdallah al-Zahiri had held the office of 
davat-dar under the Caliph Zahir (1225): he died in 650-1252-1253: See Qazvini 
injuvaini, III, pp. 450-51, note 1. 



at the head of a great army of slaves and Arabs and set up mangonels 
on the walls of Baghdad. News now came that the Mongols had reached 
the castle of . I5 ° Sulaiman-Shah and this band of ndkers pre- 

pared for battle, and the Mongols came up to Ja‘fariya, ISI lit fires 
in the night, and then turned back. Suddenly there came news that the 
Mongols had plundered Dujail. SharabI 152 set out at the head of an 
army to drive them off, and the Mongols withdrew. 

History of the sultans 

In Rum, ‘Izz al-DIn Kai-Ka’us was sultan. His brother ‘Ala al-Dln 
rose in rebellion and went to Ankuriya. 153 He brought him from thence 
and imprisoned him for 7 years in the castle of Hushyar. 154 

In Mosul, Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ was sultan. During these years he 
equipped an army and sought the help of Taj al-Din Muhammad ibn 
Sallaba, the ruler 155 of Irbil, who sent a thousand men. The Sultan 
of Mardin 156 also mustered an army and sought help from Aleppo. 
When the two sides met, the right wing of the Mardlnls was defeated 
and the army of Mosul went in pursuit of them and obtained a quan- 
tity of booty. Meanwhile, the son of Qaimari, 157 the leader of the army 
of Aleppo, attacked and defeated the center of the army of Mosul. 
Sultan Badr al-DIn fled and reached Mosul with only ten men. His 
treasury was plundered, and his soldiers fled and followed them 

In Egypt, Malik Salih Najm al-Din Aiyub ibn al-Kamil was sultan. 
He died, and the emirs and people of Egypt sent for his son Malik 
Mu‘azzam Turan-Shah, who was governor of Hisn Kaifa. 158 When 
he came to the town of Damascus he seized it and proceeded from 

150 Blank in all the mss. 

151 A western suburb of Baghdad. 

"52 See above, p. 190 and note 38. The Mongol attack here described took place in 
fact much earlier, in 1 238. See Barhebraeus, p. 404. 

153 Angora, the modern Ankara. 

154 Spelt Minshar in Ibn Bibi (Duda, p. 61) : it was somewhere in Malatya. 

155 Z.dim'. actually the representative of the Caliph, to whom Muzaffar al-Din 
Kok-Bori, the last (d. 1232) of the Begtiginids, had bequeathed his principality. 

156 Najm al-Din Ghazi I (1239-1260). 

157 On Husam al-Din al-Qaimari, the son-in-law of Malik al-Ashraf, see above, p. 
46 and note 163. 

158 In Jazira or Upper Mesopotamia, now Hasankeyf in southern Turkey. 



thence to Egypt. In the year 648/1250 the Sultanate of Egypt was 
settled upon him, and he gave battle to the army of Franks, who had 
seized Damietta and various regions of Egypt. He defeated them, 
nearly thirty thousand Franks being killed and Afridis, 159 one of their 
rulers, being taken prisoner along with an immense number of others; 
and Damietta was liberated. The Bahri Turks 160 then conspired to kill 
the Sultan. Ai-Beg the Turcoman, 161 who was the leader of the emirs, 
presented himself to the Sultan at table. While he was addressing the 
Sultan, the latter spoke harshly to him. Ai-Beg stood up, drew his 
sword, and struck at the Sultan. The Sultan warded off the blow with 
his arm, but he received a severe wound and fled into a wooden 
house. 162 The Turks said to Ai-Beg: “Finish the work thou hast 
begun.” They fetched a naphtha- thrower to discharge a pot of naphtha 
on to the house. [The house] caught fire and the Sultan went up on to 
the roof. Ai-Beg shot an arrow at him. He flung himself into the river 
and made for the bank. They went after him, caught him, kicked him 
to death, and threw him into the river. When the Frankish prisoners 
learnt of this, they broke the bonds on their feet and began to slaughter 
the Muslims. The Turcoman nokers came in and surrounded them; 
and, drawing their swords, in a single moment they killed thirteen 
thousand Franks. The Arabs now withdrew to their homes, and the 
Kurds returned to Cairo, while the Turks remained in Mansura 
and took possession of Damietta after completely freeing it from the 
hands of the Franks. They set a price of 200,000 dinars 163 on Afridis, 
and, leaving his brother, son, and some of his kinsmen 164 as securities, 
he took a Muslim with him to hand the money over to him. And in the 
year 652/1254-1255 Ai-Beg the Turcoman made himself master of 

159 A corruption of the normal Raid Ifrans, “roi de France,” that is, here Louis 
IX. See Blochet, p. 346, note k, and Mostaert-Cleaves, p. 471 and note 57. 

160 The Bahrl Mamluks, the baharis of Joinville, were so called ( bahri “of the river”) 
because of their barracks on the island of Rauda in the Nile. 

161 This was al-Mu‘izz ‘Izz al-Din Ai-Beg, the second (1250—1257) of the Bahri 
line of the Mamluk dynasty. 

162 Joinville (Hague, p. 1 10) describes this building as “a tower of firpoles covered 
with dyed cloth.” 

163 Two hundred thousand livres (pounds), according to Joinville (Hague, pp. 122 
and 280), the actual amount paid being £167,102 18s. 8d. 

164 Joinville (Hague, pp. 119 and 122) speaks only of Louis’ brother, the Count 
of Poitiers, as being held by the Egyptians. 



Egypt. None of the children of Malik Kamil was left, and [Ai-Beg] 
suddenly put Aq-Tai the Jama-Dar j6s to death. He then ordered the 
khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his own name and mounted 
the throne as sultan. 

In Kirman, Rukn al-Din was sultan. In the year 650/1252-1253 
Qutb al-Din came from Court, and Rukn al-Din fled at once and 
sought safety in the Seat of the Caliphate. For fear of the Mongols, he 
was not admitted. From thence he betook himself to Court, whither 
he was followed by Qutb al-Din. He was brought to trial, and Rukn 
al-Din, after his guilt had been established, was handed over to 
Qutb al-Din for execution. The latter was given the sultanate of Kirman 
and mounted the throne of kingship. 156 

History of the maliks and atabegs 

In Mazandaran . l67 

In Diyar Bakr , l68 

In the Maghrib — , 169 

In Fars the atabeg was Muzaffar al-Din Abu Bakr . I7 ° 

And in Sistan . I?I 

History of the strange and unusual occurrences that happened during 

this period 172 

165 On Faris al-Din Aq-Tai (Joinville’s Faraquatay), the Mamltik general, see Lane- 
Poole, pp. 257-60. The jama-dar, or Master of the Wardrobe, was a high official in the 
Egyptian Sultan’s household. 

r66 p or a fuller account, see HWC, pp. 481-82. 

167 Blank in the mss. 168 Blank in the mss. 

169 Blank in the mss. 170 Blank in the mss. 

171 Blank in the mss. 

172 The text of this section is absent in all the mss. 





On his praiseworthy character and morals ; 
the excellent biligs, parables, and pronouncements 
which he uttered and promulgated ; 
such events and happenings as occurred during his reign 
but have not been included in the two previous parts, 
the information having been acquired 
on separate occasions and at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons 

There has been some brief mention of his noble character and actions 
in the foregoing histories and also a more detailed account. Neverthe- 
less, by way of corroboration, a story, which is the meeting-place of 
justice and generosity, is here recorded in order that mankind may 
know of a certainty that this narration is unmarked with the brand of 
extravagance and innocent of the sin of boasting. That story is as 
follows. Merchants had hastened to the presence of Giiyiik Khan from 
all parts of the world and concluded very large deals. But since Giiyuk 
Khan did not live long, the greater part of that money remained un- 
paid and did not reach those merchants. And after his death, his 
wives, sons, and nephews concluded deals on a still greater scale than 
during his lifetime and wrote drafts on the Empire in the same way. 
When the position of those people changed and their cause was lost, 
there were some merchants who from former transfers had not ob- 
tained even a tenth of their due; some had not yet reached the stage 
of a transfer; some had delivered their wares but a price had not yet 
been fixed; and others had not yet received a draft. When Mongke 
was auspiciously seated upon the throne of kingship, those dealers ap- 
proached him by way of a test partly hoping [to enjoy the benefit 
of] his justice and partly despairing of [achieving anything by] their 
petition for the money involved in this transaction; and they brought 



their case to his auspicious attention. All the functionaries of Court 
and the pillars of state [were of the opinion] that there was no obliga- 
tion to pay the amount due on this transaction out of the Emperor’s 
treasury and that no mortal would have cause to object [if payment was 
refused]. Nevertheless, the Emperor spread the wing of generosity 
over them all and gave orders for the whole sum to be met from the 
finances of his Empire. It amounted to more than 500,000 silver 
balish, and had he withheld it none would have had cause to object. 
This is an example of his royal customs and practices, from which one 
can deduce his behavior in other matters . 173 

173 This is simply a reproduction, almost verbatim, ofp. 22 1 . 


Beginning of the History of 
Qubilai Qa’an, 

the Son of Tolui Khan , the Son of Chingiz-Khan: 

History of Qubilai Qa’an 




History of Qubilai Qa’an 

When Ar'iq Boke conceived the desire to be Qa’an, he rebelled against 
his elder brother Qubilai Qa’an and aided the sons of Mongke Qa’an, 
Asutai and Uriing-Tash, and their sons and kinsmen. But in the end 
their design came to nought, and they submitted to Qubilai Qa’an; 
and the narrative of these events is therefore included in the present 
history, which consists of three parts : 

part i. An account of his lineage, a detailed account of his wives 
and sons and the branches into which they have divided down to the pres- 
ent day; a picture of him; and a genealogical table of his descendants. 
<*i part n. The events preceeding his accession; a picture of him 
with his wives and the princes and emirs on the occasion of his mount- 
ing the throne of the Khanate; the events of his reign; the history of 
Ar'iq Boke and the princes allied with him; the battles which the 
Qa’an fought and the victories which he gained; an account of his 

part hi. His praiseworthy character and the excellent biligs, 
parables, and edicts which he made, uttered, and proclaimed; such 
events as occurred during his reign but have not been included in the 
two previous parts, having been ascertained at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons. 



An account of his lineage 
and a detailed account of his wives and sons 
in the branches into which they have divided down to the present day; 
his picture ; 

and a genealogical table of his descendants 


Qubilai Qa’an was the fourth son of Tolui Khan by Sorqoqtani 
Beki. His nurse was the mother of Moge, a concubine of the Naiman 
people. It chanced that he was born 2 months before Moge, and when 
Chingiz-Khan’s eye fell upon him he said: “All our children are of a 
ruddy complexion, but this child is swarthy like his maternal uncles. 
Tell Sorqoqtani Beki to give him to a good nurse to be reared.” He was 
given to Moge’s mother, Saruq by name. Two months later when 
Moge was born his mother gave him to a nurse of the Tangqut people 
to be reared, and [she] reared Qubilai Qa’an herself until he had 
grown up. She regarded him as her own child and cared for and 
protected him in every way. The Qa’an held her in the highest honor, 
and when she died he constantly remembered her and used to give 
alms for the sake of her soul. 


Qubilai Qa’an had many wives and concubines, of whom the most 
senior was Chabui Khatun, the daughter of Alchi Noyan of the family 
of the rulers of the Qonqi'rat. She was extremely beautiful and charm- 
ing and his favorite wife. She died before Qubilai Qa’an, in the bichin 



yil, the Year of the Monkey, corresponding to 682/1 283-1 284. 1 
Qubilai Qa’an had twelve chief sons, and just as Chingiz-Khan’s 
four sons by his chief wife, Borte Fujin, enjoyed the highest rank, so 
of these twelve the four sons whose mother was Chabui Khatun 
ranked the highest. The names of the twelve sons are as follows. 

First son of Qubilai Qa’an — Dorji 

He was born of Chabui Khatun. He did not marry and had no 
issue. He was older than Abaqa Khan. He was always sickly and ill 
and died of that chronic illness. 

Second son of Qubilai Qa’an — Jim-Gim 2 

He was originally called Gim-Jim. He was born of the senior wife, 
called Tai-Khu, who was of the Qonqiirat bone. The meaning of 
tai-khu is “mother of the Qa’an.” 3 This Jim-Gim died young, leaving 
three excellent sons, as follows. 

First son — Kamala 

He had three sons: Yesun-Temiir, 4 Jungshan, and Delger-Buqa. 

Second son — Tarmabala 

He too had three sons: Khaishang, 5 Amoga, and Ajur-Pariya- 
Batra. 6 

Third son — Temur Qcl an 

He is the reigning Qa’an and is called Oljeitii Qa’an. 7 He has two 
sons: Tishi-Taishi and Maqabalin. 

1 Actually 1284. 

2 The name is Chinese: Chen-chin, “True Gold,” Polo’s Cinchim. See Polo I, 
pp. 278-80. 

3 T'ai-hou was, in fact, the title given to an empress dowager. 

4 Yuan Emperor 1323-1328. 

5 Y uan Emperor 1 307- 1 3 1 1 . 

6 The name is thus restored by Blochet. His mss have a form NRMH, with which 
cf. Verkhovsky’s Barma. This is the Emperor Buyantu (131 1-1320). 

7 See below, pp. 32off. 



Third, son of Qubilai Qa’an—Mangqala 

He too was born of Chabui Khatun. His chief wife was called 
Qutui, which in the Indian language means “God-born .” 8 She was 
the grand-daughter of Alchi Noyan of the Qonq'irat people. He had 
three sons, as follows. 

First son — Arslan-Buqa 
Second son — Altun-Buqa 
Third son — Ananda 

The reason for this name was that at the time of his birth they were 
near a rebellious tribe whose chief’s name was Ananda, and they 
gave him the same name. He is a Muslim. The Qa’an has allotted him 
the land of the Tangqut. He has one son, Orug-Temur, and a daughter 
whose name is unknown . 9 

Fourth son of Qubilai Qa’an — Nomoghan 10 

He was also born of Chabui Khatun. There are many tales about 
him, each of which will be told in the proper place. He had two chief 
daughters, but their names are not known. 

Fifth son of Qubilai Qa’an — -Qoridai 

He was born of Qoruqchin Khatun of the Merkit bone. Qubilai 
Qa’an married her before any of his other wives, and she was also 
older than the others. In the end her rank was reduced. She was the 
daughter of Qutuqu. the brother of Toqta Beki, the ruler of the Merkit, 
who rose in rebellion during the reign of Chingiz-Khan and fought 
many battles against him but was finally forced to submit and surrender. 

8 Blochet suggests that Qutui is a corruption of either putri or kumari in the sense of 
“ princess.” 

9 On Ananda, see below, pp. 323-26. 

10 Polo’s Nomogan, on whom see Polo II , pp. 795-96; also below, pp. 266-69. 
Of the “many tales about him,” Rashid al-DIn recounts only that of his participation 
in the campaign against Qaidu and his subsequent captivity amongst the Golden 



Sixth son of Qubilai Qa’an — Hiigechi 11 

He was born of Dorbejin Khatun of the Dorben . 12 The Qa’an had 
allotted him the province of Qara-Jang. One day he took some water- 
fowl from a village in excess [of his needs]. When this reached the 
Qa’an’s ears he commanded him to receive seventy blows with the 
rod so that his tender flesh was torn to pieces. He had a son called 
Esen-Temiir, and after his death the Qa’an set this son over the 
province of Qara-Jang in his father’s place. In the Indian language, 
Qara-Jang is called Kandar, that is, “ great country .” 13 

Seventh son of Qubilai Qa’ an — Oqruqchi 

He was born of Dorbejin Khatun. The Qa’an allotted him the 
province of Tibet. He had two sons. 

First son — Temiir-Buqa 

He had a son called Shasgaba. When Oqruqchi died, the province of 
Tibet was given to this Temiir-Buqa. 

Second son — Ejil-Buqa 

Eighth son of Qubilai Qa’an — Ayachi 

His mother was Hiishijin, the daughter of Boroqul Noyan of the 
Hiishin 14 people. This son took a wife, and they lived together for 
awhile but she bore him no children. 

Ninth son of Qubilai Qa’an — Kokochii 

This son too was born of the mother of Ayachi, Hiishijin by name, of 
the Hiishin people. At the present time — — — , IS and previously he 
set out with Nomoghan and went to Deresii 16 to make war on Qaidu. 

11 Polo’s Cogacin. See Polo I, p. 394. 

12 On the Dorben tribe, see Campagnes, pp. 400-402. 

13 See below, p. 247 and note 23. 

14 Or Ushin. See above, p. 247, note 57. 

15 Blank in the mss. 16 See above, p. 103, note 25. 



He was captured along with Nomoghan and after awhile sent [back] 
to the Qa’an. 

Tenth son of Qubilai Qa’an — Qutluq-T emiir 

His mother’s name is unknown. He was born in the year in which 
Ariq Boke rebelled against the Qa’an. He died when he was twenty 
years of age. He was married but had no children. 

Eleventh son of Qubilai Qa’an — Toghan 

He was born of Baya’ujin Khatun, the daughter of Boraqchin of the 
Baya’ut people. He was called Laujang. In the province of Manzi, 
which is called Machin, there is a great city called Jingju , 17 a province 
of nearly io tiimens. The Qa’an allotted this to him. 

Twelfth son of Qubilai Qa’an 18 

He was born of Nambui Khatun, the daughter of Nachin Kiiregen. 
The Qa’an married [her] a year after the death of Chabui Khatun. 
He brought her to his yurt and ordo, for she was Chabui Khatun’s 

The genealogical table of the above mentioned sons is as shown here. 

17 As Pelliot suggests, this must be the same as Yangju (see below, p. 282), that is, 
Yangchow in Kiangsu. 

18 Blank in the mss. 




The events preceding his accession; 
a picture of his throne with his wives and the princes and emirs 
on the occasion of his mounting the throne of the Khanate; 
the events of his reign; the history of Ar'iq Boke and the princes allied with him; 
the battles which Qubilai QcCan fought and the victories which he gained; 
an account of the army commanders whom he set on every frontier ; 
an account of the princes at his Court 
and the names of his emirs 

throne of the Empire 

When the just monarch Mongke Qa’an ascended the throne of the 
Khanate, his residence being near to Qara-Qorum, in the region of 
Onan-Keluren, he disposed of the affairs of the Empire and then 
dispatched his brother Qubilai Qa’an to the eastern countries and 
the empire of Khitai and sent his younger brother Hiilegii Khan to the 
West and the Tazlk countries. 19 And, as has been mentioned in the 
history of his reign, he commanded that 80 tiimens of picked troops, 
Mongols and Jauqut, 20 should accompany Qubilai Qa’an to Khitai, 
establish themselves there, and subjugate the country of Nangiyas, 
which is adjacent to Khitai. Qubilai Qa’an set off but avoided the 
roads leading to Nangiyas. Because the ruler of those parts had cleared 
the places along the road of food, it was altogether impossible to 
proceed by that route. He sent a messenger to Mongke Qa’an to 
report the position and to seek permission first to conquer the provinces 
of Qara-Jang and Chaghan-Jang, 21 so that the troops might procure 

19 See above, p. 223, note 87. 20 See above, p. 225, and note 105. 

21 The Mo-so region of Likiang in northwest Yunnan. See Polo I, p. 171. On the 
Mo-so people, see Marvazi, pp. 149-50. 



provisions, and then to proceed against Nangiyas. Those two provinces 
are called, in the language of Khitai, Dai-Liu, 22 that is, “Great 
Empire;” in the Indian language, Qandar; and in the language of 
these parts, Qandahar. 23 They border on Tibet, Tangqut, some of the 
countries and mountains of India, and the countries of Khitai and 
Zar-Dandan. 24 

Mongke Qa’an approved these words and gave permission; and in 
the lu yil , 25 corresponding to Muharram of the year 654 [January- 
February, 1256] Qubilai Qa’an slaughtered and pillaged throughout 
that province and, having captured their ruler, Maharaz 26 by name, 
that is, “Great King,” took him with him and left the army [behind]. 
Afterward, when Mongke Qa’an set out to conquer the country of 
Nangiyas, he decreed that since Qubilai had gout and had previously 
fought a campaign and subjugated a hostile country he should now 
repose at home. In accordance with this command, [Qubilai] rested 
in his own ordos in Qara’un-Jidun 27 in Mongolia. A year later, when 
Taghachar Noyan and the princes of the left hand who had gone to 
Nangiyas had returned without profit, Mongke Qa’an sent them a 
severe reprimand, and a yarl'igh was issued to the following effect: 
Qubilai had sent a message, saying: “My gout is better. How is it 
fitting that Mongke Qa’an should go on a campaign whilst I sit at 
home?” He should therefore take the troops which Taghachar Noyan 
had commanded and set out for Nangiyas. In obedience to this com- 
mand, [Qubilai] set out with 1 tiimen of his own troops and 10 lumens 
of Jauqut, which belonged to Taghachar Noyan and which he took 
from him. When he reached the frontiers of Nangiyas, he conquered 
many of the cities and provinces. At that time Mongke Qa’an was 

22 Pelliot (Polo I , p. 177) suggests that Dai-Liu is “a weakened pronunciation of 
*Dai-li-gu = Ta-li-kuo, ‘Kingdom of Ta-li.’” Ta-li was the name of the non-Chinese 
kingdom which afterward became the province of Yunnan. 

23 On the application of these names to Yunnan, see Polo I, p. 177. 

24 In Persian, “Gold-Teeth,” Polo’s Qardandan, the Chinese Chin-Ch‘in. “The 
territory of the Chin-ch’ih proper lay to the west of the Salween, either on the Nam-ti 
and Ta-ping, or on the Shweli River, all of them tributaries of the Irawadi . . . .” 
See Polo I, pp. 603-606. 

25 Year of the Dragon: T. lu, “dragon.” 

26 A variant of the Indian title maharaja. See Polo I, pp. 1 77-78. 

27 Qara’un-Jidun is mentioned in SH (§§183 and 206) as a mountain ridge between 
the Onon and Lake Baljuna. It has not been identified. 



laying siege to the fortress of Do Li Shang. 28 Because of the unhealthi- 
ness of the climate there was an epidemic of cholera, and Mongke 
Qa’an fell ill and died. News of his death reached Qubilai on the banks 
of the River Quiqa Moren. 2 ’ He consulted with Bahadur Noyan, the 
grandson 30 of Muqali Guyang, the father of Hantum Noyan of the 
Jalayir bone, saying: “We have come hither with an army like ants 
or locusts : how can we turn back, our task undone, because of rumors ? ” 
He set out for Nangiyas and made a sudden attack upon their army, 
taking their scouts prisoner. Then he crossed the River Keng, which 
flows like a sea and is 2 parasangs in breadth, by means of a talisman 
which he had fashioned out of birch-bark 31 and laid siege to Oju, 32 
which is a great city. Previous to this, Mongke Qa’an had sent against 
the other side of Nangiyas, an army amounting to 3 ttimens, led by 
Uriyangqadai, the son of Siibedei Bahadur; with him he had sent 
Abishqa, a grandson of Chaghatai, and fifty of the princes of the left 
hand. 33 And since the roads were difficult and the places and castles 
hard to capture, they had repeatedly given battle, and entry and 
exit had been made difficult for them. Moreover, on account of the 
unhealthy climate, many of that army had fallen sick and died, so 
that of their total number more than five thousand had perished. 
Receiving news of Qubilai’s arrival, they set out toward him and after 
20 days suddenly joined him in the neighborhood of that town. The 
people of the town, in their impotence, sent envoys to him and tendered 
submission. Then, all of a sudden, the army which had been sent 
against Mongke Qa’an returned rejoicing at his death, and the towns- 
people were heartened by their arrival. Meantime the messengers 
of Chabui Khatun and the emirs of her or do, Taichi’utai and Yekii, 
arrived and delivered the following message: “The great emirs Dorji 
and ‘Alam-Dar have come from Ar'iq Boke and are raising turqaqs 
from the Mongols and Jauqut, and the reason for this is unknown. 

28 See above, p. 226 and note 1 1 2. 29 The Mongol name of the Hwai Ho. 

30 This is correct. See above, p. 227, note 1 19. 

31 It is a pity that Rashid al-DIn provides no further details about this charm, the 
purpose of which was, apparently, to placate the water spirits. For the practices adopted 
in various parts of the world “to propitiate the fickle and dangerous spirits of the 
water at fords,” see J. G. Frazer, Folk-Lore in the Old Testament (London, 1918), Vol. 
II, pp. 414 ff. 

32 See above, p. 229 and note 133. 33 See above, p. 204, and note 34. 



Shall we give them the troops or not?” And they spoke a parable [in 
the form of] a riddle: “The heads of the big fish and the little fish have 
been cut off. Who is left but thou and Ariq Boke? Is it possible for 
thee to return?” Two days later the messengers of Ariq Boke also 
reached Qubilai and [said] that they had been sent to inquire after 
his health and bring greetings. He asked them in what direction they 
were sending the turqaqs and cherigs they were raising. The messengers 
replied: “We slaves know nothing. Assuredly it is a lie.” Since they 
kept the matter hidden, Qubilai became suspicious and reflected: “If 
thou needest cherigs for some area, why dost thou conceal this ? There- 
fore it may be a matter of deceit and treachery.” He consulted in 
secret with Bahadur Noyan and Uriyangqadai, saying: “It is some 
such case as this, and it is not known what Ariiq Boke has in mind for us. 
Both of you remain here with some of the troops, whilst I go back to the 
Qara-Mdren in the land of Khitai, where after ascertaining the state of 
affairs I will send you word.” And so it was agreed. 

Meanwhile, the princes Taghachar, Qadan, and Yesungge each 
went out with the troops that were left, seizing and laying waste 
provinces and villages. As for Qubilai Qa’an, when he reached the 
town of Namgin , 34 which is on the Qara-Moren, he discovered that 
Dorji and ‘Alam-Dar had come in search of soldiers and had greatly 
oppressed the Mongols and Jauqut. He sent a messenger to Ariq 
Boke to say: “No good will come of the turqaqs and cherigs that are 
being raised from Mongol households and the Jauqut country. As for 
the goods and animals that have been levied from the provinces, let 
him give them back to them and give them to us and the troops that 
were with me, Taghachar, Yesungge, and Narin-Qadan and the troops 
of the left hand, and also to the troops of the right hand that accom- 
panied Mongke Qa’an and are now with Moge, Qadan, Asutai 
and Ja’utu. [Give them to us] so that being provided with mounts, 
fodder, and arms we may deal with Nangiyas.” He despatched a 
message to this effect. 

At that time, ‘Alam-Dar had departed from thence, while Dorji 
had remained in the town of Jungdu, which they call Khan-Baliq . 35 

34 A variant of Namging, that is Nan-ching, the modern Kaifeng. 

35 On Khan-Baliq (“Khan Town”), Polo’s Cambaluc, the Turkish name for 
Peking, see Polo /, pp. 140-43. 



Qubilai Qa’an sent to him to say: “Thou too send a ndker with these 
messengers.” Dorji secretly sent a message through his own ndker to 
Ariq Boke, saying: “It appears that Qubilai Qa’an has become aware 
of your intent. It would be opportune for thee to send a noyan from 
amongst the great emirs along with messengers with falcons and [hunt- 
ing] animals so that Qubilai Qa’an may feel secure and grow careless.” 
Ariq Boke approved these words and sent a noyan with five falcons 
as a present in the company of the messengers. And he said: “He is 
coming to bring back news of thy health.” And he charged the man 
together with Dorji Noyan to speak sweet words to Qubilai Qa’an, so 
that from carelessness and a feeling of security he might quickly turn 
back. Speaking pleasant words in this strain, the messengers of Ariq 
Boke declared in one voice before him that he had cancelled the raising 
of turqaqs and cherigs. Qubilai replied: “As you have explained those 
unseemly words, everyone’s mind is set at rest.” And he dismissed them 
kindly and sent messengers to Bahadur Noyan and Uriyangqadai 
saying: “Abandon the siege of Oju at once and come back, for our 
mind, like the revolution of Fate, has changed.” By the time the 
messengers arrived, Taghachar, Yesiingge, and Narin-Qadan had 
returned, and Bahadur and Uriyangqadai, descending ( ?) and turning 
back, came to Qubilai Qa’an. 

And when Dorji and Toqan came to Ariq Boke and informed him 
of what had happened he said : “ Since Qubilai has some inkling of our 
guile and treachery, it is expedient that we summon the princes and 
emirs, who are firmly established each in his own yurt and home, and 
settle the question of the Khanate, which has been [too long] deferred 
and neglected.” Having consulted together, they dispatched messengers 
in every direction. Naimadai, the son of Taghachar, and Yesii, the 
younger brother of Jibik-Temiir, both came to him, but the other 
princes each found an excuse to stay away. Since no great assembly was 
gathered, Ariq Boke again took counsel with the emirs [and said]: “It 
is expedient that once again we send messengers to Qubilai Qa’an 
and make him feel secure by deceiving him with false words.” And he 
sent Dorji with two others from amongst the emirs and bitikchis, 
giving them the following message: “In order to mourn for Mongke 
Qa’an it has appeared necessary that Qubilai and all the [other] 
princes should come.” (They intended when they came to seize them 



all.) When the messengers reached Qubilai Qa’an from that direction, 
the princes Taghachar, Yesungge, Narin-Qadan, and the others and 
the tiimen commanders had joined him in the town of Jungdu. The 
messengers delivered their message, and they all declared as one 
man: “These words are true, and it is the height of expedience. To go 
is both right and necessary. But we have not yet returned from the 
campaign. First let us go to our homes and then let us assemble and go 
together.” Dorji said: “My nokers will return with this message and I 
will remain here until I may go in your company.” He dispatched 
his nokers accordingly. Qubilai Qa’an then sent a messenger to the army 
which had invaded Nangiyas under Mongke Qa’an and also gave a 
message to Asutai, bidding him come quickly. As for Moge he had 
died during the campaign. 

When the nokers of Dorji came to Ariq Boke and delivered their 
message, the princes who were present exclaimed as one man: “How 
long can we wait for them ? ” And some of those that were there reached 
an agreement among themselves and set Ariq Boke on the throne of the 
Khanate in the Altai summer residence . 36 That group consisted of 
Orghana Qiz , 37 the wife of Qara-Hiilegii, Asutai and XJriing-Tash, 
the sons of Mongke Qa’an, Alghu, the grandson of Chaghatai, 
Naimadai, the son of Taghachar, Yesii, the younger brother of Jibik- 
Temiir, Durchi, the son of Qadan, Qurumshi, thesonof Orda, Qarachar, 
and one son of Bilgiitei Noyan. And since they had brought Asutai 
from the army, they sent ‘Alam-Dar as commander and shahna over 
the army in order that by [gaining their] confidence he might protect 
them and show them kindness so that they might not disperse. They 
then dispatched to the ordo of Ogetei Qa’an, to the sons of Koten and 
Jibik-Temiir, and to the countries of the Mongols, Tangqut, and 
J auqut, and [they] sent yarlighs and spread rumors to the following 
effect: “ Hiilegii, Berke, and the [other] princes had agreed together and 
raised me to the Khanate. You must pay no attention to the words of 
Qubilai, Taghachar, Yesungge, Yeke-Qadan, and Narin-Qadan, nor 
must you listen to their commands.” They composed false words to 
this effect and wrote and dispatched them. Jibik-Temiir and the 

35 This was Ariq Boke’s own residence. See below, p. 310. 

37 The corrupt form is so read by Blochet, who sees it as T. qiz “daughter,” in the 
sense of “princess.” On Orqina (Orghana) Khatun, see above, pp. 149-51. 


emirs of Khitai seized the messengers and sent them with the letters 
[they were carrying] to Qubilai Qa’an. Then he knew for certain that 
Ar'iq Boke had risen in rebellion. Hereupon, Taghachar, Yesiingge, 
Yeke-Qadan, Narin-Qadan, Jibik-Temiir, Ja’utu, and the other 
princes; from amongst the emirs, the sons of Muqali Guyang, Qurum- 
shi, Nachin Kiiregen and Derekei Kiiregen ; from amongst the emirs 
of the left hand, Borcha, the son of Sodun Noyan, and Ejil, the son of 
Borji, both tarkhans] and all the emirs of the right hand — all these 
gathered together [and] consulted with one another, saying: “Hiilegii 
has gone to the Tazlk country; the seed of Jochi Khan is exceedingly 
far away. Those who are at one with Ariq Boke acted in ignorance. 
Before Hiilegii Khan and Berke could come, Orghana Qiz, on the word 
of the emirs, went to Ariq Boke from [the ulus of] Ghaghatai. If we 
do not now set up someone as Qa’an, what can we do?” And having 
thus consulted together, they were all of one mind, and in the bichin 
yil, 3i corresponding to the year 658/1259-1260, in the middle of the 
summer 39 in the town of Kai-Ming-Fu, 40 [they] set Qubilai Qa’an 
upon the throne of Empire. At that time he was forty-six years of age. 41 
As is their wont and custom, all the princes and emirs gave written 
undertakings and knelt [before him]. 

Qubilai Qa’an sent messengers to Ariq Boke; how [Ariq Boke], fought 
two or three battles against the Qa’an; and how in the end he was 

Thereafter, a hundred messengers were appointed to represent the 
princes and sent to Ariq Boke, to whom they delivered the following 

38 The Year of the Monkey : T. bichin, “monkey.” 1260. 

39 According to the Yuan shih, on the 5th May. See Franke, V, p. 1 7 1 . 

40 Polo’s Chemeinfu, that is, K‘ai-p‘ing fu, Qubilai’s famous summer residence, 
the name of which was changed on the 1 6th June, 1263, to Shang-tu, “Upper Capital,” 
familiar to English readers as Coleridge’s Xanadu. The ruins of K‘ai-p‘ing fu “still 
exist north of the Luan river, in the region generally called by Europeans Dolon-nor 
(the “Seven Lakes”); but the locality called today Dolon-nor is actually south of 
the river.” See Pole I, pp. 238-40 and 356-57. 

41 Born on the 23rd September, 1215, he was actually still in his forty-fifth year. 



message: “We, the princes and emirs, having taken, counsel together, 
have set up Qubilai Qa’an as Qa’an.” They feasted all that day, and 
when night fell Durchi made off in flight. Learning of this they sent 
messengers after him: the yamchis * 2 seized him and brought him back. 
They questioned him, using threats, and he confessed the whole story 
from beginning to end of the rebellion and the thoughts they had 
harbored. They imprisoned him and, setting Abishqa, the son of 
Biiri, the son of Mo’etiiken, over his grandfather’s ulus, dispatched him 
together with his younger brother Narin-Qadan. On the border of the 
Tangqut country they were met by the envoys of Ariq Boke with a 
large force of men, who seized them and brought them before him. They 
were imprisoned and kept in custody, while the messengers of 
Qubilai Qa’an were sent back. 

During that summer they sent many messengers to each other, but 
agreement could not be achieved. Then they put out reports to the 
effect that Hiilegii Khan, Berke, and the other princes had arrived and 
that Ariq Boke had become Qa’an upon their advice and with their 
support. They continued to spread such rumors until autumn came 
around, when Ariq Boke gave an army to Jumqur, the eldest son of 
Hiilegii Khan, and Qarachar, the son of Udur, together with several 
other princes and sent them to make war on Qubilai Qa’an. The van 
of the Qa’an’s army was led by Yesiingge and Narin-Qadan. They 

met and joined battle in the land of , 43 The army of Ariq Boke 

was defeated, and Jumqur and Qarachar with some few others escaped 
and got away. As for Ariq Boke and his army, they took fright and 
scattered in disorder, having first put to death the two princes that had 
been imprisoned and the hundred envoys. 

They went into the Qi'rqiz country . 44 It had been the custom to 
bring the food and drink for Qara-Qorum on wagons from Khitai. 
Qubilai Qa’an banned this traffic and there occurred a great dearth 
and famine in that region. Ariq Boke was at his wit’s end and said: 
“The best thing is for Alghu, the son of Baidar, the son of Chaghatai, 
who has long been in attendance on the throne and has learnt the way 

42 See Glossary. 

43 J 3 ASYKY or BABBKY. Apparently identical with the place-name mentioned 
above, p. 209. 

44 See above, p. 214, note 69. 



and yosun of every matter, to go and administer his grandfather’s 
residence and ulus and so sent us assistance and provisions and arms 
and guard the frontier along the Oxus so that the army of Hulegii 
and the army of Berke cannot come to the aid of Qubilai Qa’an from 
that direction.” With this idea in mind, he spoke kindly to him and 
sent him on his way. Alghu leapt forth like an arrow from a bow and 
took his own head. When he reached Kashghar nearly 150,000 
mounted warriors were gathered around him, and he rose in revolt and 

Meanwhile, the Qa’an had set out upon the campaign and proceeded 
at great speed until he came to Qanqi Daban,« where he heard how 
Ariq Boke had put to death Abishqa and the two princes that were 
with him and the hundred envoys. He was incensed and had Durchi 
Noyan, whom he was holding in custody, put to death. Before setting 
out on the campaign, he had sent the princes Yeke-Qadan and Qaral- 
ju, the son of Jochi-Qasar, with several other princes and Biiri, from 
amongst the emirs, with a great army into the Tangqut country, 
because it had been reported that Ariq Boke had sent c Alam-Dar 
and Qundaqai as emir and shahna respectively, at the head of the army 
which had been with Mongke Qa’an in Nangiyas and which, after 
his death, had been commanded by Asutai, who had come post-haste 
to join him; and they were now in the Tangqut region. When Yeke- 
Qadan and Qaralju came upon them, they joined battle and c Alam- 
Dar was killed in that engagement; and part of the army was slain 
and part scattered, and the survivors fled to join Ariq Boke in the 
Qirqi'z country. 

As for Qubilai Qa’an, having reached the neighborhood of Qara- 
Qorum, he found the four ordos of Ariq Boke and the ordos of Kolgen 
and restored them and then wintered on the River Ongqi Moren. 46 
Meanwhile, Ariq Boke, distraught and bewildered, with a lean and 
hungry army, was on the borders of Kem-Kemchi’iit on the River 
*Yus. 47 Fearing the approach of the Qa’an, he sent messengers and 

45 QJVQY DYAN. The second element of the name is Mo. dabagh-a(n) , “mountain 
pass.” This is apparently the modern Khangin-Daba, 35 kilometers southwest of 
Ulan Bator. See Thiel, p. 1 13. 

46 The River Onqin, the modern Ongin Gol, which rises in the Khangai and in 
wet years reaches and replenishes the Ulan Nur. See Thiel, pp. 39 and 409. 

47 So Hambis (1956, p. 300, note 69) suggests that this corrupt name should be 



sought pardon, saying: “We inis committed a crime and transgressed 
out of ignorance. Thou art my aqa, and thou knowest thy power. I 
shall go whithersoever thou commandest and shall not deviate from 
the aqa’s command. Having fattened and satisfied my animals I will 
present myself before thee. Berke, Hiilegii, and Alghu are also com- 
ing: I will await their arrival.” When the messengers came to the 
Qa’an and delivered their message, he said: “The princes that had 
gone astray are now awake, and in their right mind, and having come 
to their senses have confessed to their crime.” And in reply he said: 
“When Hiilegu, Berke, and Alghu arrive we shall determine where 
the meeting-place shall be. As for you, you must first keep your word, and 
if you come before their arrival it will be all the more praiseworthy.” 
And sending the messengers back, he himself returned and took up 
abode in his own ordos in Qara’un-Jidun , 48 giving the cherig leave to 
break up and depart to their own juris. And he dismissed the [occu- 
pants of] the ordos of Ariq Boke and Kolgen to their yurts and ordered 
them to remain there. And he placed Yesiingge, who was a cousin 
of the Qa’an, in command of the frontiers of the ulus with an army of io 
tiimens and bade him stay there until Ariq Boke arrived and then 
[to] come with him. 

Now at that time Hiilegii and Alghu favored the Qa’an and were 
constantly sending messengers to each other. Hiilegii sent messengers 
and reproached Ariq Boke for his activities and sought to restrain 
him. He also kept sending messengers to the Qa’an, as did Alghu. 
And when he learnt that Qaidu and Qutuqu were siding with Ariq 
Boke, he several times attacked and repelled them. It was at this time 
that the Qa’an sent a message to Hiilegii Khan and Alghu, saying: 
“The lands are in revolt. From the banks of the Oxus to the gates of 
Egypt the Tazlk lands must be administered and well guarded by 

emended, the Yus (in Chinese transliteration, Yu-hsii) being, according to a passage in 
the Titan shih quoted by Hambis (pp. 282 and 295), a tributary of the Yenisei. It could 
equally well be the Us (Wu-ssu), referred to in Titan shih 63, 34b-35a (not 17a as 
stated by Hambis, p. 286), where mention is made of a district of this name “east 
of the Kirghiz and north of the Ch‘ien River,” that is, the Kem = the Yenisei; the 
text says that this locality “takes its name from the [homonymous] river,” that is, 
the Us, one of the affluents of the Yenisei. I am indebted for this reference to Dr. 
Igor de Rachewiltz, who made it available to me in a letter dated the 29th May, 
1 968. 48 See above, p. 247 and note 27. 



thee, Hiilegii; from the Altai on the far side to the Oxus el and ulus 
must be administered and maintained by Alghu; and from the Altai 
on this side to the shores of the Ocean-Sea [all lands] will be maintained 
by me.” And Berke kept sending messengers to both sides and sought to 
reconcile them. 

As for Ariq Boke, when he had fattened his horses in the summer and 
autumn, he did not keep his word but broke his promise and again 
went to war against the Qa’an. When he came to Yesiingge, who was 
stationed on the frontier of the region, he sent a messenger to say that 
he was coming to surrender. Having thus rendered him careless he 
fell upon him, routed and scattered him and his army, and restored 
the ordos of Chaghatai Khan and Kolgen as well as his own. Meanwhile, 
Yesiingge crossed the desert and made his way to the Qa’an, to whom 
he reported that a rebel was approaching. The Qa’an sent a messenger 
to Taghachar and gathered cherigs. He himself, Taghachar, Hulaqur, 
the son of Elchitei, and Narin-Qadan, with the armies they com- 
manded, were the first [to be ready] . Hulaqur, Nachin Kiiregen, Derekei 
Ktiregen of the Ikires people, Oradai, and Qadan, each with his 
own tumen, proceeded in the van and fought well. As for Yesiingge, 
because his troops had been dispersed, he did not take part in this 
battle. The Qa’an, with the aforementioned armies, encountered 
Ariq Boke on the edge of the desert. They joined battle in a place 
called Abjiya-Koteger , 49 in front of a hill called Khucha-Boldaq 50 
and a na’ur called Shimultai . 51 Ariq Boke’s army was defeated, and many 
of the Oirat tribesmen were killed. And when Ariq Boke was defeated 
with his army and fled, the Qa’an said: “Do not pursue them, for they 
are ignorant children. They must realize what they have done and 
repent.” (The picture of the battle is as shown.) Ten days later Asutai, 
the son of Mongke Qa’an, who led Ariq Boke’s rearguard, came to 

45 The Abji’a-Koteger of SH, §§187 and 191. It was here that Genghis Khan passed 
the winter following his destruction of the Kereit. This mountainous area is located 
by Pelliot and Hambis ( Campagnes , p. 409) somewhere near the sources of the Khalkha, 
in the Great Khingan. 

50 “Ram Hillock:” unidentified. 

51 Mo. shimughultai, “having midges.” In the letter referred to in note 47, Dr. de 
Rachewiltz writes: “Although several identifications of this lake have been proposed 
(by Hung Chun, Tu Chi a. o.), none of them seems very convincing to me. It certainly 
is one of the small lakes of the Eastern Gobi— the region of the Upper Khalkha 
River — but at present I cannot offer a more definite identification.” 



[Ariq Boke] and heard that the army of Taghachar and the other 
armies of the Qa’an had turned back. Ariq Boke and Asutai consulted 
together again and gave battle after mid-day on the edge of the sand 
desert called Elet, 52 by Shirgen-Na’ur 53 and Shiliigelig 54 hill. The 
Qa’an’ s army defeated the right wing of Ariq Boke’s army, but the left 
wing and center stood firm till nightfall and in the night caused the 
Qa’an to withdraw. Both princes now retired with their armies and went 
to their own ordos, while most of their troops perished because of the 
great distance and their being on foot. In the winter both encamped 
in their own quarters and passed the spring and summer there. As 
for Ariq Boke, having several times asked Alghu to help him with arms 
and provisions and having received no response, he equipped an 
army and set out against him. And God knows best what is right. 

and the reason thereof; how he fought the army of Ariq Boke [and] 
was defeated; how he recovered his strength; and [how] Ariq Boke’s 
cause began to weaken 

Alghu, the son of Baidar, the son of Chaghatai, had been appointed 
by Ariq Boke to rule over the ulus of Chaghatai. When he left him and 
arrived in the country of Turkistan, nearly 150,000 horsemen gathered 
around him. Orghana Khatun, who was the ruler of the ulus of Chag- 
hatai, set out for the Court of Ariq Boke, and Alghu sent Negiibei 
Oghul with five thousand horsemen, a man called Uchachar from 
amongst his emirs, Sulaiman Beg, the son of Habash ‘Amid, 55 from 
amongst the bitikchis, and a man called Abishqa from amongst the 

52 Apparently identical with Q_alaqaljit-Elet, “the Q_alaqaljit Sands,” the scene 
of the battle in 1203 between Genghis Khan and Ong-Khan, the ruler of the Kereit. 
See Conquerant, pp. 157-60. 

53 “The lake that dries up, evaporates (in the summer).” See L’ Empire Mongol, 
P ■ 549- 

54 With Shiliigelig Dr. de Rachewiltz, in the letter referred to above, note 47, 
compares Shiliigeljit, the name of a river in this area ( SH §§153 and 173). In his 
opinion, Qalaqaljit-Elet, Shirgen-Na’ur, and Shiliigelig “must be found . . . east of 
modern Tamzag-Bulak, that is, between Tamzag-Bulak and the western slopes of 
the Khingan, in the easternmost part of the Mongolian People’s Republic.” 

55 See above, p. 156. 



yarghuchis to Samarqand, Bukhara, and the countries of Transoxiana 
to defend the frontiers in that direction and execute his orders. When 
they arrived in that region, they put to death all the dependants and 
nbkers of Berke, even martyring the son of a shaikh al-Islam, Burhan 
al-Din, the son of the great shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi, on this ac- 
count. They carried off all the property of these people and sent some 
of the valuables to Negiibei Oghul, [and] Uchachar then [went] 
to Khwarazm. At this juncture Ariq Boke’s messengers arrived, headed 
by Buritei Bitikchi and Shadi, the son of Yoshmut and Erkegiin, and 
delivered the yarl'igh ordering the levying of goods, horses, and arms. 
In a short time they had collected a great quantity of goods. Alghu 
coveted these and was seeking excuses and holding the messengers 
up until one day he was told that they had said: “We have collected 
these goods in accordance with the yarligh of Ariq Boke. What concern 
is this of Alghu ? ” He was offended and in his anger ordered them to be 
arrested and the goods seized. His emirs said: “Having committed 
such an act thou has lost Ariq Boke’s favor, especially as Orghana 
Khatun has gone to complain to him. We [by ourselves] are unable 
to withstand his reproach and anger. Since we have become his 
enemies, it is advisable that we give support to the Qa’an.” Having 
agreed upon this, they put the messengers to death and distributed the 
goods amongst the troops. 

When Ariq Boke learnt of this he was extremely annoyed. He killed 
Alghu’s messenger and said: “Let the people of Qara-Qorum assist 
us.” But the imams, bakhshis , 56 and Christians declared: “The yasaq 
is hard: how can we [help]?” And he said: “What army will these 
three groups defeat and of what use would they be in battle ? Let them 
remain here and assist us, with prayer. And if the Qa’an arrives, let 
them hasten to join him.” And he set out to make war on Alghu. 
Upon [Ariq Boke’s] departure the Qa’an at once arrived before the 
town of Qara-Qorum at the head of a large army, which formed a 
jerge around the town. Some people from each community came out 
and reported on Ariq Boke. The Qa’an treated them kindly and made 
them tarkhan, as they had been previously in accordance with the 
decrees of Ogetei Qa’an and Mongke Qa’an. He intended to go in 

56 See Glossary. 



pursuit of Ar'iq Boke, but messengers arrived and reported that be- 
cause of his absence, madness and confusion had appeared in the land 
of Khitai. He therefore returned to his capital there. 

Meanwhile, Qara-Buqa, who commanded Ar'iq Boke’s vanguard, 
gave battle to Alghu near the town of Pulad 57 in a place called Siit- 
Kol. 58 Alghu was victorious, and Qara-Buqa was killed. Alghu, 
marveling and elated because he had defeated Ar'iq Boke’s vanguard 
and killed Qara-Buqa, turned back in a careless fashion along the 
River Hila 59 and alighted at his own ordos after dismissing the cherigs. 
Asutai, who with his army formed Ariq Boke’s rearguard, now arrived 
and, passing through the hills which in that country are called Temiir- 
Qahalqa, 60 attacked the Hila Moren 61 and Almaliq with picked troops 
and captured Alghu’s ulus. 

Since his cherigs had been dispersed, Alghu took his wife and the 
army of the right hand, which Asutai had not yet reached, and fled 
in the direction of Khotan and Kashghar. Ariq Boke now arrived in 
his pursuit and passed that winter on the Hila Moren and in Almaliq, 
continually feasting and slaughtering and pillaging Alghu’s army and 
ulus. After a month Alghu was joined by his fugitive troops and, 
setting out with his heavy baggage, he made for Samarqand. [In 
the] meantime, Jumqur, the son of Hulegti, having been affected 
with some slight ailment, asked Ar'iq Boke for permission to leave him, 
saying that he was going to Samarqand for medical treatment. He 
parted from him in the qulquna yil, that is, the Year of the Rat, falling 
in Rabl‘ I of the year 662 [January, 1264]. And since Ariq Boke was 
ruthlessly slaughtering and injuring Alghu’s army and ulus without 
their having committed any crime, the emirs conceived an aversion 
to him and each of them turned away on some pretext. “He is now,” 
they said, “wantonly slaughtering the Mongol army that was gathered 

57 The Bolat of Rubruck (Rockhill, p. 137), where Biiri’s German prisoners were 
“digging for gold and manufacturing arms.” Bretschneider (II, p. 42) suggests that 
the town was situated somewhere in the valley of the Borotala, which flows into the 
Ebi Nor. 

58 In Turkish “ Milk Lake Lake Sairam. 

The Hi. 

60 “Iron Gate” (cf. above, Section 1, p. 61, note 260). Here the Talki Defile, 
north of Kulja. See Bretschneider, II, p. 34, note 804. 

61 That is, the River Hi: Mo. moren, “ river.” 



together by Chingiz-Khan. How should we not rebel and turn against 
him?” And in that winter most of them departed. And when spring 
came around, dearth and famine appeared in Almaliq. The soldiers 
gave their horses wheat instead of barley, and as they did not eat 
their fill of grass, they all perished. Many of the people of Almaliq 
died of starvation, and the survivors sought refuge from the tyranny and 
oppression of the soldiers in the Court of God and raised their hands 
[in] supplication [and] prayer. One day Ariq Boke was carousing and 
making merry when a whirlwind suddenly sprang up, ripped the 
thousand-pegged audience tent, and broke the supporting pole, with 
the result that a number of people were hurt and wounded. The 
ministers and emirs of his court took this occurrence as an omen 
predicting the decline of his fortune. They abandoned him altogether 
and dispersed on all sides, so that Ariq Boke and Asutai were left 
alone with only a small force and knew for certain that their condition 
of distress was due to the curses of the destitute people who had lost 
their lives in that dearth and famine. And what doubt can there be of 
this, seeing that many great houses have been destroyed by the sighs 
of the oppressed ? 

Truly the sigh of an oppressed person in the morning is worse than an 
arrow or a quarrel or a javelin. 

At that time Uriing-Tash, the son of Mongke Qa’an, was in Mon- 
golia near the Altai on the river which they call Jabqan Moren . 62 
When the commanders of thousands arrived in that region they sent a 
message to him, saying : “ We are going with our armies to the Qa’an. 
What doest thou advise in this matter?” Uriing-Tash approved and 
joined them. And he sent a messenger to Ariq Boke and asked for his 
father’s great jade tamgha , 63 which he had in his possession. Ariq 
Boke sent it to him, and he departed with the commanders of thousands 
to wait upon the Qa’an. 

As for Alghu, when he learnt of Ariq Boke’s weakened position 
he set out to attack him. Learning of his intention and knowing he 
was close at hand, Ariq Boke dismissed Orghana Khatun, together 
with Mas‘ud Beg, and sent her to Alghu, in order that his violence 
might be abated. [Alghu] married her and, in order to set her mind 

62 The modern Dzabkhan. 63 See Glossary. 



at rest, showed favor to Mas‘ud Beg, making him sahib-divan of his 
realm and sending him to Samarqand and Bukhara to administer 
those places. He proceeded thither, and began to collect taxes con- 
tinuously from the population and despatch them to Alghu as they 
came in. As a result, the affairs of Alghu recovered. He gathered his 
scattered forces together, fought a battle with Berke’s army, and 
defeated them and plundered Otrar. A year later he died, and Orghana 
Khatun, in agreement with the emirs and viziers, set her son Mubarak- 
Shah in his place, as has been related in the history of Chaghatai. 64 
0 Lord, give aid and a good end! 

to go to the Court of the Qa’an and confess his crime; his latter end 

When the army and the emirs turned away from him and the princes 
each went his own way, Ariiq Boke was at his wit’s end and from 
weakness was compelled to betake himself to the Qa’an in the qulquna 
yil, that is, the Year of the Rat, corresponding to the year 662/1263- 
12 64. 65 When he arrived at the Court of the Qa’an orders were given 
for a large body of troops to be stationed there, and the Qa’an ordered 
him to make his submission. Now it is their custom in such cases to 
cast the door of the tent over the shoulders of the evildoer. He made 
submission covered in this manner and after awhile was given per- 
mission and entered. He took his stand amongst the bitikchis. The 
Qa’an looked at him for a time and was moved with brotherly feeling 
and sorrow. Ariq Boke wept and tears came to the Qa’an’s eyes also. 
He wiped them and asked: “Dear brother, in this strife and conten- 
tion were we in the right or you?” Ariiq Boke answered: “We were 
then and you are today.” Now at that time a messenger called Ching- 
qur had come from Hiilegu Khan and was present on this occasion. 
When he returned he reported to Hiilegii what had occurred. Hiilegu 
Khan sent a message to the Qa’an to say: “How is it in keeping with 
th c yasa that our family should be allowed to make submission in this 
manner and that aqa and ini should be thus humiliated?” Qa’an 

6+ See above p. 1 5 1 . 

65 Actually 1264. 



listened to these words and approved of them; and he sent the follow- 
ing reply: “Hiilegu is right. I acted out of ignorance.” And after that 
he did not admit Ariq Boke to his presence for a whole year. 

On that occasion Aji'qi', the brother of Abishqa, who had been put 
to death by Asutai, said to the last named: “It was thou who killed 
my brother.” He replied: “I killed him by the command of the then 
ruler, Ariq Boke. Moreover I did not wish a member of our family to 
be killed by a qarachu. Today Qubilai Qa’an is ruler of the face of the 
earth. If he so commands, I will kill thee too.” The Qa’an said to 
Ajiq'i: “This is not the time for such words; there is violent anger in 
them.” In the midst of this exchange Taghachar Noyan stood up 
and said: “It is the Qa’an’s command that today we should not 
inquire about bygone matters but should concern ourselves with 
feasting and merrymaking.” The Qa’an approved of this and that 
day they occupied themselves with drinking. Taghachar then said: 
“Ariq Boke is standing. Let the Emperor assign a place for him to sit 
in.” The Qa’an indicated that he should sit with the princes, and they 
spent the rest of the day feasting and carousing. 

The next morning the princes and great emirs, Taghachar, the son 
of Otchi Noyan, Yesiingge, the son of Jochi Qasar, Hulaqur, Yeke- 
Qadan, Jibik-Temur, the son of Ajiq'i, Ja’utu, the son of Shiremiin, 
the son of Shingqur, and Aji'qi, the son of Biiri and grandson of Chag- 
hatai, assembled in the audience chamber. The Qa’an ordered the 
emirs to seize Ariq Boke and bind him. He then gave orders that, of 
the princes, Shiregi, Taqai, Charaqu, and Bai-Temiir, and, of the emirs, 
Hantum Noyan, Dorbetei, and Bolad Chingsang, who had been in this 
country, should sit down, examine Ariq Boke and his emirs, and make 
a report. Ariq Boke said : “ It is I who am the author of this crime which 
has spread so far and wide. These men have committed no crime.” 
His words were not listened to, and the Qa’an ordered the guilty emirs 
to be told as follows: “In the days of Mongke Qa’an the emirs of the 
time did not string a single bow against him, and there was no great 
revolt, only a little discord which they harbored in their hearts. All 
the world knows how they were punished and chastised . 66 How then 
shall it be with you who have stirred up all these troubles, and cast so 
much confusion and tumult amongst all mankind, and destroyed so 
66 See above, pp. 210 ff. 



many princes, emirs, and soldiers?” They were all silent. Then Tiirnen 
Noyan who was the senior amongst them and belonged to the great 
bone , 67 said : “ O emirs, why do you not answer ? Have your eloquent 
tongues become mute? That day when we set Ariq Boke upon the 
throne we promised each other that we should die in front of that 
throne. Today is that day of dying. Let us keep our word.” Said the 
Qa’an: “It is a fine promise of thine, and thou has kept thy word.” 
Then he asked Ariq Boke: “Who incited thee to rebellion and in- 
surrection?” He replied: “Bulgha and ‘Alam-Dar said to me: ‘Both 
Qubilai Qa’an and Hiilegii have gone on campaigns and the great 
ulus has been entrusted by the Qa’an to thee. What hast thou in mind ? 
Wilt thou let them cut our throats like sheep?’ I said: ‘Have you 
consulted Dorji?’ They said: ‘Not yet.’ I said: ‘Consult Tiirnen, 
Toquz, Alichar, and Khoja.’ They all agreed in their advice. Since 
Dorji was not present on account of illness, I said : ‘ Send for him so 
that we may finish our talking.’ He too presented himself and agreed 
in his advice. This act was carried out and completed by all of them 
together. Tiirnen [alone] of them did not turn against my words and 
performed what I had ordered. It was Jibik-Temiir who did harm, 
that is, he uttered words about the Qa’an that did not befit his like.” 
The emirs all said with one voice: “The facts of the case are as 
Ariq Boke says, and his words are all true.” But Jibik-Temiir said: 
“Ariq Boke instructed me to do everything which he now attributes 
to me, and Bulgha Aqa is witness to this and knows [that it is so].” 
The Qa’an then ordered Jibik-Temiir to be confronted with Ariq 
Boke. He repeated those same words to his face. Ariq Boke was dis- 
pleased and said : “ If it is so, then thou must remain alive whilst I die.” 
These words were reported to the Qa’an, and he thus knew that 
Jibik-Temiir had spoken the truth. He released him and, having 
consulted all the princes, aqa and ini , declared as follows: “Bulgha 
Bitikchi has listened to the words of Ogetei Qa’an and Mdngke Qa’an. 
We will release him alive and he will bear witness to their conduct 
in this matter to Hiilegii and the other princes.” And with the agree- 
ment of all the princes, [he] released him. 

When Asutai learnt of his release he said: “How is it fitting that 
Bulgha should remain alive ? I will confront him and expose his crimes.” 
67 See above, p. 197, note 3. 



And he said to him: “Thou citedst a Mongol proverb, the meaning of 
which was that we had done something and must not now abandon it 
or fail in it. That was thy great crime for which thou must die.” 
Bulgha Noyan did not deny this but confirmed to him that it was so. 
And when those words of his were reported to the Qa’an he said: 
“ Since it is so let him be executed.” 

As for Elchitei, his guilt was greater than the others’ since he had 
made false accusations against Qurumshi, the son of Qadan, so that 
they put him to death. Toquz’s guilt was heavy also, for he had 
striven to put many members of the Qa’an’s ulus to death. All the 
above-mentioned emirs were executed. As for Hoqu, the son of Giiyuk 
Khan, Chabat, the son of Naqu, and Totoq, the son of Qarachar, 
they were sent by the Qa’an along with some other princes to Turkis- 
tan. Then he wished to examine Ariq Boke, for which purpose he was 
awaiting the arrival of Hiilegii Khan, Berke, and Alghu. However, 
since they were exceedingly far away and time was passing, the princes 
in that region, viz. Taghachar, Yesimgge, Yeke-Qadan, Hulaqur, 
Jibik-Temiir, and the other Mongol and Khitayan princes and emirs 
gathered together and examined Ariq Boke and Asutai. 

And when ten of Ariq Boke’s emirs had been put to death and he 
himself had been examined, a royal yarligh was dispatched to all parts 
of the Empire [telling of these matters]. And the emirs all consulted 
together, saying: “How shall we look at the crime of Ariq Boke and 
Asutai? Shall we spare their lives for the Qa’an’s sake?” And they 
sent messengers to Hiilegii, Berke, and Alghu, saying: “Since your 
presence was not possible because of the distance of the road and the 
multiplicity of your preoccupations, and since to wait longer might 
have introduced into the affairs of the Empire such weakness and 
confusion as might not be put to rights, we have therefore executed 
their emirs and have examined them both. We now consult you on 
this matter. We, that is all the aqa and ini, are agreed that we should 
spare Ariq Boke’s life and release Asutai. What do you say to this?” 
The messengers came first to Alghu and delivered their message. 
He replied: “I too succeeded Chaghatai without consulting the 
Qa’an and Hiilegii Aqa. When all the aqa and ini are assembled and 
question me as to whether I am right or wrong, if they approve of me, 
I shall say whether I think well or ill of it.” The messengers then came 



to Hiilegii Khan and made their report. He said: “Howsoever it may 
be decided when all the aqa and ini assemble and consult with one 
another, so let it be. When Berke sets out for the quriltai, we too 
will quickly start on our way.” And he sent his own messengers with 
them to Berke in order that they might fix a meeting place and go 
[together] to the Qa’an [and] the quriltai. When they came to Berke 
and reported all the circumstances he said: “Whatever the Qa’an 
and Hulegii Khan and all the aqa and ini agree upon, so it shall be. 
We for our part shall set out in the hiikeryil ; 68 we shall travel through- 
out the barsyil ; 69 and we shall arrive at the quriltai, along with Hiilegii, 
in the taulaiyil .” 70 When the messengers reached the Qa’an and made 
their report, Ar'iq Boke and Asutai were permitted to do homage and 
were admitted into the ordo. In the autumn of that year, which was 
the Year of the Panther, corresponding to 664/1265-1266, Ariq 
Boke was taken ill and died. As for Hiilegii Khan and Berke, hostilities 
broke out between them, as has been mentioned in their history, and 
shortly afterward both died. May the Lord of Islam, Ghazan Khan 
( 1 God cause him to reign forever !), be the heir to [other men’s] lives during 
many years and countless ages! May he enjoy his life and fortune! 
And when the news of their deaths reached the Qa’an he set Abaqa, 
the eldest son of Hiilegii Khan, over the Mongols and Tazxks of 
Persia and granted the ulus of Jochi to Mdngke-Temiir. As for Alghu, 
he was at that time afflicted with a long illness and so could not go 
to the quriltai; and then he too died. Orghana Khatun, with the agree- 
ment of her emirs, set her son Mubarak-Shah in his place. Baraq, 
the son of Yesiin-To’a, the son of Mo’etiiken, the son of Chaghatai, 
stated in the presence of the Qa’an: “Why has Mubarak-Shah suc- 
ceeded my uncle Alghu? If it is commanded that I take my uncle’s 
place, my loins are girded in service and obedience.” The Qa’an 
gave him a yarligh to the effect that he should rule the ulus until Mubar- 
ak-Shah came of age. He came and took his place; and Chiibei and 
Qaban, the sons of Alghu, and their aqa and ini separated from 
Baraq and went with their armies to the Qa’an. 

68 Year of the Ox: 1265. 

69 Year of the Panther: 12 66. 

70 Year of the Hare: 1267. 



Kokochii with the other princes to make war on Qaidu; and how the 
princes plotted treason against them both 

When the Qa’an had set his mind at rest regarding the rebellion 
of Ar'iq Boke, all the princes had girded the belt of obedience to him 
except Qaidu, the son of Qashi, the son of Ogedei Qa’an, and some of 
the descendants of Chaghatai. Qubilai Qa’an sent messengers to them, 
seeking to win them over, and said: “The other princes have all 
presented themselves here: why have you not come? It is my heart’s 
desire that we should brighten our eyes with the sight of one another. 
Then, having consulted together on every matter, you will receive all 
manner of favors and return home.” Qaidu had no mind to submit 
and gave the following excuse: “Our animals are lean. When they are 
fat we will obey the command.” He delayed on this pretext for 3 
years. Then, together with Qonichi Noyan, he drove off Narin, 
who was attached to Oriing-Tash, the son of Mongke Qa’an, and was 
stationed with them, slaughtered and pillaged, and rose in rebellion 
and insurrection. To put down this rebellion the Qa’an dispatched 
his son Nomoghan with the following princes of the right and left hands : 
of the sons of Mongke Qa’an, Shiregi, of the sons of Ariq Boke, Yobuqur 
and Melik-Temur, of the nephews of the Qa’an, Toq-Temur, the son of 
Sogedei and Urughtai, and of his cousins, Gharaqu, the grandson of 
Otchigin, along with emirs and troops without limit or measure, the 
emirs being headed by Hantum Noyan. 71 

They passed the summer on the banks of the river and for some days 
went on hunting expeditions. Toq-Temur and Shiregi became separated 
from the rest and met each other on the hunting field. They consulted 
together and said: “Let us between us seize Nomoghan and Hantum 
Noyan and hand them over to the enemy.” And Toq -Temur tempted 
Shiregi, saying: “Thou art worthy of the rulership and the Qa’an 
has done us and our brothers much wrong.” In the night they seized 
them both and sent Nomoghan and his brother Kokochii to Mongke- 
Temiir and Hantum Noyan to Qaidu. And they said: “We are under 

71 His Chinese name was An-t‘ung. He was a descendant of Genghis Khan’s general, 
Muqali. See Polo //, p. 796. 



many obligations to you. We have not forgotten this and have sent 
you Qubilai Qa’an’s sons and his emirs, who were on their way to 
attack you. We must not think ill of each other but unite to drive off 
the enemy.” The messengers came back bringing this message: “We 
are grateful to you, and it is what we expected of you. Since there is 
good water and grass in that region, stay where you are.” 

Toq-Temiir went on an expedition against the ordos of Ogetei and 
Chaghatai and seized Sarban and the brother of Minqa-Temiir, 
who were in charge of those ordos. He put about the rumor that the 
sons of Batu and Qaidu and the princes had formed an alliance and 
were following behind. They all set out and went away with Toq- 
Temiir. Then, all of a sudden, the Qa’an’s army, led by Beklemish, 
arrived and it became clear to the ordos that the story about the ap- 
proach of the sons of Batu and Qaidu was false. Meanwhile, Toq- 
Temiir and Sarban had joined Shiregi, and together they fought a 
battle with the Qa’an’s troops. Toq-Temur, Shiregi, and Sarban were 
put to flight and made for the el of the Barin ' 72 on the bank of the River 
Erdish, where they each of them busied himself with preparations. 
From thence Toq-Temiir set out to attack the Qirqiz country. The 
Qa’an’s troops came up and plundered his heavy baggage. He came 
back in search of it and asked Shiregi for help, which he refused. Toq- 
Temiir was offended with him and, having suddenly come upon 
Sarban upon the return journey, in order to spite Shiregi, he tempted 
him also with the promise of the rulership. At that time there was a great 

distance between them and Shiregi. However, It-Buqa of the 73 

people was present. He was connected with Shiregi and hurried and 
informed Melik-Temiir and the other princes of what had happened. 
Shiregi and Melik-Temiir gathered their forces and stationed them- 
selves on the 74 steppe. And they sent a messenger to Toq- 

Temiir to say: “Why do we cause unrest and confusion in the ulus?” 
He replied: “There is no boldness or dash in Shiregi. I wish Sarban, 
who is worthy of it, to be the ruler.” Having no choice, Shiregi sent 
to Sarban to say: “ If thou must have the rulership ask me for it. Why 
dost thou ask Toq-Temiir?” In reply Toq-Temiir said: “Why should 

72 Not in Verkhovsky. This was the territory given by Genghis Khan to the Barin 
Qorchi : it extended as far as the forest peoples along the Irtysh. See Campagnes , p. 300. 

73 Blank in the mss. 74 Blank in the mss. 



we ask thee for the rulership and go to thee? Thou must come to us.” 
Shiregi realized that he could not resist them and that if he fought 
many troops would be uselessly destroyed; and so he went to them. 
In the meanwhile, Toq-Temiir sent for It-Buqa. He fled and they 
pursued him; and when they caught up with him he stabbed himself 
with a knife and so died. 

They then agreed among themselves that Sarban should sit in the 
first place, and they charged Shiregi as follows: “If thou hast come 
with a sincere heart send messengers this very instant to the sons of 
Batu and Qaidu to announce that we of our own free will made Sarban 
our chief and leader.” He sent the messengers immediately. Then they 
said to him: “Go back to thy own ordo and let Melik-Temiir remain 
here until the arrival of Yobuqur.” Shiregi informed Yobuqur but 
he refused and would not go to Sarban. Toq-Temiir led an army 
against him and when he drew near sent a messenger to say: “We 
have reached this decision. If thou agreest, well and good; otherwise 
prepare for battle.” Yobuqur sent this answer: “I shall not fight. 
I ask only for 5 days’ grace to prepare my submission.” And he 
busied himself with equipping his army and on the fifth day came out 
with it and drew up in line to give battle. Toq-Temiir charged, and 
his army at once turned round and went over to Yobuqur. Toq- 
Temiir fled with twelve nokers and after 3 days came to the Mongols’ 
tents covered with black felt. He asked for water. They recognized 
him and brought curds. Immediately behind him came a party [of his 
pursuers] ; they found his trail and set out after him. All at once he 
came to a stream of muddy water, and he said to his nokers-. “It is 
better if we fight and die with a good name.” They answered: “Thou 
art of the family; they will not hurt thee. But it would be bad for us.” 
Despairing of the nokers he threw away his arms and was captured 
by his enemies. He was taken before Yobuqur. Shiregi asked Yobuqur 
to give him to him, and Yobuqur said: “If thou wilt protect him, 
thou art my greatest enemy.” Shiregi replied: “If he has done one 
evil thing ten good things will not avail him.” And he put Toq-Temiir 
to death. Sarban now came to Shiregi and said: “It was Toq-Temiir 
who made me do what I did.” Shiregi took his troops from him, and 
he wandered about with two or three nokers. After awhile they began 
to desert in small groups and make their way to the Qa’an. Shiregi 
wished to go after the fugitives and bring them back. He was afraid 



Sarban might stir up unrest and he sent him with fifty ndkers to Qonichi, 
the grandson of Jochi. It so happened that in the region of Jand and 
Ozkend their route passed by a private estate ( khail-khana ) of Sarban. 
His dependents gathered around, seized the fifty ndkers, and released 
him. Sarban again set out at the head of an army, seized Shiregi’s 
baggage train, and ordered it to be sent to the Qa’an, sending on a 
messenger in advance to report on his own position. Shiregi learnt 
of this and came to give him battle. His army at once went over to 
Sarban and he was left alone. Sarban ordered him to be guarded by 
five hundred horsemen. Hearing of this, Yobuqur led his army to 
give battle to Sarban, but his troops also went over to Sarban, and he 
too was captured and handed over to five hundred horsemen. They 
now set out to go to the Qa’an. Yobuqur feigned illness and asked for 
2 or 3 days’ grace, during which time he secretly sent a large sum in 
money and jewels to Otchigin, the nephew of Chingiz-Khan, whose 
yurt was in that region, and asked him to save him from that dreadful 
gulf. Prince Otchigin gathered together his army and suddenly drove 
off their horses and surrounded the soldiers. Sarban made off with his 
wife with only one mount. One of Otchigin’s bahadurs saw his wife 
escaping and tried to seize her. She cried out. Sarban turned back, 
shot the man with a single arrow and set out with his wife to join 
the Qa’an. Shiregi had arrived there before him, and the Qa’an had 
not admitted him and had ordered him to reside on an island with a 
very unhealthy climate, where he remained all his life and finally 
died. As for Sarban, the Qa’an showed him favor and gave him lands 
and troops ; and after awhile he too passed away. 

As for Yobuqur, he took the ordos of Shiregi and Sarban and joined 
the following ( khail ) of Qonichi. Melik-Temiir and Qurbaqa went to 
Qaidu, and Ulus-Buqa, the son of Shiregi, joined the following of 
Qonichi and remained there awhile. Yobuqur grew tired of serving 
Qaidu and fled to join the Qa’an, as did Ulus-Buqa with his mother 
and the ordos. And when Mongke-Temur, the grandson of Jochi, 
died, Tode-Mongke was set up in his stead, and Noqai, Tode-Mongke, 
and Qonichi consulted together and sent Nomoghan to the Qa’an, 
saying: “We have all submitted and will attend the quriltai.'’ And 
Qaidu likewise sent back Hantum Noyan but did not go to the quriltai. 
They too revoked their intention, and Nomoghan died a year later. 
And God knows best what is right. 



of Nangiyas and subjugated those countries 75 

When the Qa’an had given the Mongol army several years of rest 
from campaigning, he reflected that since the land of Khitai had 
been completely subjugated Nangiyas also must be taken. During 
the reign of Mongke Qa’an the ruler of those parts had been very 
friendly with him and messengers were always passing to and fro 
between them, for the rulers of Nangiyas were of noble stock and high 
repute and in former time had held the countries of Khitai. Altan- 
Khan belonged to the race of the Jurchen people who rose up and 
seized those countries, whereupon the former rulers departed to 
Nangiyas, as shall be described in the history of that people which is 
appended to this book . 76 Because of their enmity toward the rulers of 
Khitai they rendered assistance when Chingiz-Khan was conquering 
those countries, and in particular, during the reign of Ogetei Qa’an 
they sent a great army and gave their aid until the ruler of Khitai 
was completely defeated, as has been related in the history [of Ogetei 
Qa’an ]. 77 

Mongke Qa’an was the first to have the intention of conquering 
Nangiyas, and Qubilai Qa’an had the same intention, especially as his 
capital was in Khitai and therefore near to their countries. However, 
whenever he sent an army to their frontiers little progress was made 

until the date 78 a man called Bayan , 79 the son of Kokechu 80 

of the Barin bone, whose grandfather, Alaq , 81 had been executed for a 
great crime. This Bayan fell to the lot and share of Qubilai Qa’an, 
and since he was in Persia in the service of Abaqa Khan, Qubilai 
Qa’an sent Sartaq Noyan, the son of Sodun Noyan, as a messenger 

75 On the campaign against the Sung, see Franke, IV, pp. 334-50. 

76 That is, in Rashid al-DIn’s (as yet unpublished) History of China. 

77 See above, pp. 39-41. 

78 Blank in all the mss. 

79 Polo’s Baian Cingsan, “Bayan of the Hundred Eyes,” on whom see Polo I, pp. 
67-68; also Cleaves 1956. 

80 Or He’iigiitei. See Polo I, p. 68, and Cleaves 1956, p. 204 and note 12. 

81 In the Campaign in the West he had taken part in the operations along the Syr 
Darya. See HWC, p. 91. The nature ofhis crime is not known. 



together with ‘Abd al-Rahman 82 and asked for Bayan. In the Year of 
the Ox, 83 in which Hiilegii Khan died, [Bayan] was sent to the Qa’an 
along with Sartaq Noyan, while ‘Abd al-Rahman remained behind 
in those countries to settle the accounts. When he arrived there the 
Qa’an fitted out 30 tiimens of Mongol and 80 tiimens of Khitayan troops. 
Over the latter he appointed Semeke Bahadur, 84 a Khitayan emir 
from the town of Balghasun, 85 who had submitted during the reign 
of Mongke Qa’an and had given aid with a sincere heart. Over the 
Mongol troops he placed the Emir Aju, 86 the grandson of Siibedei 
Noyan, of the Uriyangqat people. He ordered Semeke Bahadur to be 
the commander-in-chief, because his yasaq was severe and he had 
always performed his tasks well, [and] he sent them toward Nangiyas. 
Semeke remained behind en route because of illness, and Bayan and 
Aju became the commanders of both armies. Since the extent of the 
countries of Nangiyas is extremely vast and their troops innumerable 
and immeasureable, it was difficult to conquer them and took a long 
time. They strove and endeavored for 4 years 87 and subjugated some 
parts and then sent messengers to the Qa’an to say their troops were 
not sufficient. Being unable to procure troops quickly, the Qa’an 
issued aj varligh that all the prisoners in the kingdom of Khitai should 
be brought before him. They were nearly twenty thousand men. 
He spoke to them as follows : “You are all destined to die and be killed. 
For your heads’ sake I have set you free and I will give you horses, 
arms, and clothing and send you to the army. If you exert yourselves 
you will become emirs and men of standing.” And he trained them, 
made the more skilful amongst them commanders of a thousand, 
a hundred, and ten, and sent them to join the main army. Then he 
sent a messenger and summoned Bayan and Aju to him by post relays. 
They came with seven relays and he instructed them how they were 

82 Apparently the same man that Princess Toregene appointed governor of northern 
China in place of Mahmud Yalavach. See above, p. 177, also HWC , p. 243. 

83 1265. 

84 Apparently a title given to Shih T‘ien-tse, who had been in command at Cheng- 
ting. His native place was actually Yung-ch‘ing near Peking. See Franke, V, p. 166, 
and Cleaves 1956, pp. 207-208 and note 33. 

85 For Chaghan-Balghasun, the Mongol name for Chengting, see above, p. 165 
and note 16. 

86 A variant of Ajul (Polo’s Aguil). See Polo /, pp. 14-15. 

87 See below, p. 272, note 8g. 



to fight. 88 Then they returned, and in the seventh year 89 from their 
first approaching those lands they gave battle on the banks of the River 
Keng Moren and beat a Nangiyas army of 80 tiimens . 90 They captured 

that kingdom, killed the ruler, whose name was -, 91 and also 

conquered the countries of Kandar, 92 Ikibiize, 93 , 94 , 95 

, 96 Kafje-Guh, 97 etc. 

The Solangqas, who had submitted in the reign of Mongke Qa’an 
and had then risen in rebellion again, came to Court and submitted 
a second time when Qubilai Qa’an ascended the throne. 98 As for the 
province of Java, one of the countries of India, he sent an army to take 
it by war. 99 And he sent ambassadors by sea to most of the countries 
of India [to call on them] to submit. They were compelled to promise 
this and up to the present time ambassadors pass to and fro discussing 
the terms of submission. 190 

88 All of this is in complete contradiction of the facts as given by the Chinese 
authorities. Far from being involved in difficulties and requiring reinforcements, 
Bayan and Aju were advancing rapidly down the Yangtse valley capturing city after 
city when the former was recalled by Qubilai because of the threat from Qaidu 
(see above, pp. 266-69). Having convinced the Great Khan that the war against the 
Sung should receive priority, Bayan returned to the scene of operations to resume his 
advance. See Franke, IV, p. 337. 

89 Presumably in the seventh year from Aju’s having laid siege to Siangyang in 
1268. The final campaign against the Sung was not launched until August, 1274. 
The “four years” referred to above, p. 271, must also refer to the siege of Siangyang, 
on which see below, p. 2go-gi . 

90 This is conceivably a reference to the desperate stand at Ch'ang chou, the present- 
day Wutsin, in Kiangsu. See Franke, IV, p. 338. 

91 Blank in all the mss. Neither the then Emperor, Kung-tsung (1274-1276), nor 
his brothers Tsuan-tsung (1276-1278) and Ti-ping (1278-1279) were killed by the 
Mongols. The reference is perhaps to Ti-ping’s death by drowning after the defeat 
of his fleet in a sea-battle off Macao. See Franke, IV, pp. 348—49. 

92 Yunnan. See above, p. 247 and note 23. 

93 A TKY /JWRH in the mss : the I-ch‘i-pu-hsieh of the Chinese sources, the name of a 
tribe in southern China. Blochet’s emendation — ANKR PWRH, that is, Angkor in 
Cambodia — is, of course, to be rejected. See Pelliot 1920, p. 15 1. 

9 * MQWMAN. 93 KLNK. 

96 KYAY. 

97 Polo’s Caugigu, the Chiao-chih kuo of the Tuan shih, “Kingdom of Chiao-chih,” 

that is, Tonking. Chiao-chih survives as the first element of Cochin China. See Polo I, 
PP- 2 33 ~ 34 ' 98 See Franke, IV, p. 303. 

99 For the details of this expedition, see Franke, IV, pp. 463-64. 

100 On Qubilai’s relations with the kingdoms of Malabar (the Coromandel Coast) 
and Quilon (in Travancore), see Franke, IV, pp. 461-63. 



He divided the countries of Nangiyas amongst the princes and set 
a regular army upon each of the frontiers. The Emir Bolad Chingsang, 101 
who is fully informed on the conditions of those countries, states that 
although it is the custom of the Nangiyas to include in the census only 
persons of standing, who are the leaders of that people and possessed 
of a following, the number of people in the census there is 99 tiimens. 
And no country is vaster than this, for it is written in books that the 
beginning of the five climes is from that country. Nevertheless the 
buildings in that country all adjoin one another. Those Mongol and 
Jauqut troops settled there and never left the country: every com- 
mander of a tiimen is stationed with a force of men in a specified area, 
the governorship of which has been entrusted to him. And when the 
taxes of that country are exacted, the Qa’an’s yarligh is sent to that 
commander, and in accordance with the command he arranges [the 
collection of the tax] from all the towns belonging to that area and 
sends it [to the Qa’an] ; and none of them has any connection with any 
other employment. As for those prisoners, they have all become impor- 
tant emirs and have provided themselves with summer and winter resid- 
ences. And God knows best what is right , and it is to Him that we return. 

The events of Qubilai Qa’an’s life from his birth until the time when 
he ascended the throne of sovereignty and completely subjugated the 
countries of Khitai and Machin have been related in detail. We shall 
now record some other stories relating to his Empire, to the regulations 
which he introduced, and to the armies which he assigned to every 
area and frontier in those countries, if Almighty God so wills, the One 
and Only. 

the land of Khitai and of the regulations, rules, administration, and 
organization observed in that country 102 

101 Bolad Aqa or Bolad Chingsang, “Bolad the ch‘eng-hsiang or Minister,” was the 
representative of the Great Khan at the Persian Court. It was he who interpreted to 
Rashid al-DIn the Alton Debter, or “Golden Book,” the official Mongol chronicle. 
He belonged to the Dorben tribe. See Turkestan, pp. 44-45, and Khetagurov, p. 187. 

102 Yule’s translation of this and the following two chapters ( Cathay , pp. 113-33) 
is based on earlier versions by Klaproth ( JA , 1833) and d’Ohsson (in the appendix 
to Vol. II of the Histoire des Mongols). 



The land of Khitai is an exceedingly broad and vast country and 
very thickly populated. Reliable authorities declare that in the whole 
of the inhabitable quarter there is in no other country such populous- 
ness or multitude of people as here. A gulf 103 of the Ocean-Sea, not 
very large, goes out from the southeast on the borders and coasts 
between Manzi and Goli 104 and comes into the middle of Khitai 
up to 4 105 parasangs from Khan-Baliq, to which people come by ship. 
Because of the proximity of the sea there is a heavy rainfall, and some 
of those provinces have a hot and some a cold climate. During his 
reign, Chingiz-Khan conquered the greater part of those countries 
and they were all of them taken during the reign of Ogetei Qa’an. 
Chingiz-Khan and his sons had no capital in Khitai, as has been 
mentioned in every history, but because Mongke Qa’an had given 
that kingdom to Qubilai Qa’an, and he with a farsighted view had 
seen in it an exceedingly prosperous kingdom with many important 
provinces and countries adjacent to it, he had chosen it [as the site of] 
his capital. He established his summer residence in the town of Khan- 
Baliq, which in Khitayan is called Jungdu 106 and which had been one 
of the capitals of the rulers of Khitai. It was built in ancient times under 
the direction of astrologers and learned men with a very auspicious 
horoscope and had always been regarded as extremely fortunate 
and prosperous. As it had been destroyed by Chingiz-Khan, Qubilai 
Qa’an wished to rebuild it, and for his own fame and renown he 
built another town called Daidu 107 alongside it so that they adjoin 
each other. The wall of the town has seventeen towers and there is a 
distance of 1 parasang from tower to tower. So populous is the town 
that buildings without number have been constructed outside [the 
walls] . 

All sorts of fruit trees have been brought from every land and planted 
in the gardens and orchards there ; and most of them bear fruit. And in 
the middle of the town he has built as his ordo an exceedingly large 
palace to which he has given the name of Qarshi. The pillars and 

103 The Po Hai. 

104 Chinese Kao-li, Korea. 

105 Klaproth ( Cathay , p. 1 13, note 2) supposes that the text must originally have had 
twenty-four, the real distance between Peking and the coast of the gulf. 

106 See above, p. 227 and note 1 2 1. 

107 Polo’s Taidu, Chinese Ta-tu, “Great Capital,” on which see Polo II, pp. 843-45. 



floors are all of marble, extremely beautiful and clean. He has sur- 
rounded it with four walls, between each of which there is the distance 
of a bowshot. The outside wall is for the tethering of horses, the inside 
one for the emirs to sit in when they assemble every morning, the third 
for the guards, and the fourth for the courtiers. The Qa’an resides in this 
palace in the winter. A model of it has been engraved by artists in 
history books; it is as engraved [in the picture]. 

In Khan-Baliq and Daidu there is a great river 108 which flows from 
a northerly direction, from the region of Chamchiyal, 109 which is the 
route to the summer residence. There are other rivers also, and out- 
side the town they have constructed an extremely large na’ur like a 
lake and have built a dam for it so that they can launch boats in it and 
sail for pleasure. The water of that river used to flow in a different 
channel and empty itself into the gulf that comes from the Ocean- 
Sea to the neighborhood of Khan-Baliq. But because the gulf was 
narrow in that vicinity vessels could not approach, and the cargoes 
used to be loaded on to pack animals and carried to Khan-Baliq. 
The engineers and learned men of Khitai, having carried out a careful 
inquiry, declared that it was possible for ships to come to Khan- 
Baliq from most parts of Khitai, from the capital of Machin, from 
Khingsang and Zaitun, and from other places also. The Qa’an ordered 
a great canal to be cut and the water of that river and several other 
rivers to be diverted into that canal. It is a 40 days’ voyage to Zaitun, 
which is the port of India and the capital of Machin. On these rivers 
many sluices have been built for [the provision of] water to the provin- 
ces. When a ship comes to one of these sluices it is raised up by means 
of a winch together with its cargo, no matter how large and heavy it is, 
and set down in the water on the other side of the dam so that it can 
proceed. The width of the canal is more than 30 ells. Qubilai Qa’an 
ordered it to be walled with stone so that no earth should fall into it. 110 
Alongside the canal is a great highway which leads to Machin, a 
distance of 40 days. The whole of that road is paved with stone so that, 
when there is a heavy rainfall, the beasts of burden may not get stuck 

108 The Sankan or Yungting. 

109 The Mongol name for the Nankow pass some 30 miles northwest of Peking. 

110 On Qubilai’s lengthening of the Grand Canal to link Peking and Hangchow, 
see Franke, IV, pp. 569 ff. 



in the mud. On either side of the road willows and other trees have been 
planted so that the shadow of the trees falls upon the whole length of the 
road. And no one, soldier or other, dares to break a branch from the 
trees or give a leaf to his animals. Villages, shops, and temples have 
been built on either side so that the whole of the 40-day route is fully 

The walls of the town of Daidu were made of earth, for it is the 
custom of that country to put down two planks, pour damp earth 
inbetween, and beat it with a large stick until it is firm. Then they 
remove the planks and there is a wall. And because there is a great 
deal of rain and the earth of that country has little strength, the wall is 
thus rendered firmer. At the end of his life the Qa’an ordered stones to 
be brought and intended to dress the wall with stone, but he passed 
away. God willing, Temur Qa’an 111 will succeed in completing the 

The Qa’an decided to build a similar palace in his summer residence 
at Kemin-Fu, which is 50 parasangs from Daidu. There are three 
roads from the winter residence : one road which is reserved for hunting 
and along which no one may travel except couriers; another road by 
way of Joju, 112 to which one travels along the banks of the River 
Sangin, 113 where there is [an] abundance of grapes and other fruit 
and near which is another small town called Sinali, 114 the people 
of which are mostly from Samarqand and have laid out gardens in 
the Samarqand fashion; and there is another road, by w r ay of a low 
hill, which they call Sing-Ling, 115 and when one passes over that hill 
the steppe is all grassland and [suitable for] summer pasturage up to 
the town of Kemin-Fu. On the eastern side of the town he laid the 
foundations of a qarshi called Lang-Ten, 116 but one night he had a 
dream and abandoned it. He then consulted the scholars and engineers 

1,1 Qubilai’s grandson and successor, Temur Oljeitii (1294-1307). 

112 Polo’s Giogiu, Cho chou, the modern Chohsien. On the other hand, Pelliot 
Polo II, p. 736, thinks that “both mentions of ‘Joju’ in the text where Rasid praises 
the vines of that region . . . are altered from . . . Fuju, which the Persian writer gives 
elsewhere, and apply to . . . Fu-chou outside the Great Wall.” 

113 The Sankan. Cf. Polo’s Pulisanghin, which is Persian for either “Bridge over 
the Sankan” or, by popular etymology, “ Stone Bridge.” See Polo II, p. 812. 

1,4 Unidentified. " 5 Unidentified. 

116 Chinese Liang-Tien, “Cool Pavilion.” 



as to where the foundations of another qarshi might be laid, and they 
all agreed that the most suitable site was a na'ur beside the town of 
Kemin-Fu in the middle of meadows. They decided to drain it. Now 
in that country there is a stone which they use instead of firewood ; 117 
they collected a great quantity of this and also of charcoal. Then they 
filled the noHur , and the spring which fed it, with pebbles and broken 
bricks and melted a quantity of tin and lead over it until it was firm. 
They raised it up to a man’s height from the ground and built a 
platform on it. And since the water was imprisoned in the bowels of 
the earth, it came out in the course of time in other places in meadows 
some distance away, where it flowed forth as so many springs. And on 
the platform they built a qarshi in the Khitayan style. The meadow 
they surrounded with a wall of marble, and between that wall and 
the qarshi they set a wooden barricade so that no one could enter or 
leave the meadow. They collected all kinds of game animals in the 
meadow and by generation and increase their numbers have multi- 
plied. They also built a smaller palace and qarshi in the center of the 
town and have constructed a road from the exterior qarshi to that 
interior one so that he can enter the qarshi by that private thoroughfare. 
And as a tethering-place for horses, a wall has been drawn around that 
qarshi at the distance of a bowshot. The Qa’an is mostly in the qarshi 
outside the town. 

There are many large towns in those countries, and each has been 
given a name which has a special meaning in its derivation. The ranks 
of the governors are known from the titles of the towns, so that there is 
no need whatsoever to state in yarl'ighs, or have any dispute about, the 
greater importance of the governor of a particular town, nor is there 
any discussion in public assemblies about [precedence] in sitting. 
The rank [of the town] itself specifies which governor must go out to 
meet the other and kneel in front of him. Those ranks and titles are as 
follows: first rank, £tK £; 118 second rank, du; 11 ** third rank, fu; 120 

117 Coal was unfamiliar to Marco Polo also: “You must know that all over the 
province of Cathay there is a kind of black stone, which is dug out of the mountains 
like any other kind of stone, and burns like wood” (Benedetto, p. 160). 

118 Ching, “capital.” 

119 Tu, “residence.” 

120 Fu, “prefecture, prefectural city.” 



fourth rank, jo ; 121 fifth rank, — ; 122 sixth rank, gun ; 123 seventh 

rank, hin ; 124 eighth rank, jcn ; 125 [and] ninth rank, sun , 126 

The first rank they give to a large country like Rum, Pars, or 
Baghdad, the second to a place which is the residence of the ruler, and 
so on downward, the seventh rank being given to small towns, the 
eighth to boroughs, and the ninth to villages and farmsteads. Villages 
and farmsteads are also called mazim . 127 Coastal harbors they call 
matau , 128 

This procedure and organization does not exist in other lands. Most 
of the affairs of the country are administered in this way. And God 
knows best. 

of the land of Khitai; details of their ranks; the laws and regulations 
observed amongst them ; the nomenclature of that people 

The great emirs who have the qualifications to be ministers and 
viziers are called chingsang , 129 army commanders taifu , 130 commanders 
of lumens vangs hai , 1 31 and emirs, viziers, and ministers of the Divan, 
who are Taziks, Khitayans, and Uighurs, finjan . 132 It is the custom 
in the Great Divan to have four chingsangs from amongst the great 
emirs and four finjans from amongst the great emirs of the various 
peoples, Taziks, Khitayans, Uighurs, and Christians. These too 
have ministers in the Divan, and the offices of the emirs and governors 

121 Chou, “district.” This was an administrative area of two kinds: one subject to, 
and the other independent of, a fu. The hsien was a sub-division of the latter kind of 
chou. 122 Blank in the mss. 

123 Chun, “chief military garrison.” 124 Hsien, “ township.” 

125 Chen, “district ” (sub-division of a hsien). 

126 Ts'un, “village.” 

127 Verkhovsky adopts Blochet’s suggestion that this represents a form mo-hsien 
instead of the normal hsien-mo, “paths dividing fields,” and so “cultivated fields.” 

128 Ma-Cou, “quay.” See Polo II, p. 834. 

129 Ch'eng-hsiang. See Polo I, p. 365. 

130 Apparently t'ai-fu, “in principle a civilian title.” See Polo II, pp. 851-52. 

131 Yiian-shuai, “commander of an army.” The first element of the term has nothing 
to do with wan, “ten thousand.” See Polo II, p. 858. 

132 P‘ing-chang. See Polo II, p. 803. 



there are in accordance with their rank. Their ranks are as shown in 
detail below. 

First rank — chingsang (he is qualified to be a vizier or minister). 

Second rank — taifu (he is an army commander and, however 
senior, must defer to the chingsang) . 

Third rank — finjan (these are ministers and viziers from the various 

Fourth rank— -yu-ching. 133 

Fifth rank — zo-ching . I34 

Sixth rank — sam-jing.' 3S 

Seventh rank — sami . I36 

Eighth rank — lanjun . 137 

Ninth rank — (not known; all the secretaries are under him). 

In the reign of Qubilai Qa’an, the chingsangs were the following emirs : 
Hantum Noyan, Uchachar, Oljei, Tarkhan, and Dashman. Hantum 
Noyan is now dead, but the rest are still the chingsangs of Temur Qa’an 
along with one other. Formerly the office of finjan was given to Khitay- 
ans, but now it is given to Mongols, Taziks, and Uighurs also. The 
chief of the finjans is called sufinjan, that is, “cream of the finjans.” liS 
At the present time, in the reign of Temur Qa’an, the leader of them 
all is Bayan Finjan, the son of Saiyid Nasir al-DIn and the grandson of 
Saiyid Ajall : 139 he too now is called Saiyid Ajall. The second is ‘Umar 
Finjan, a Mongol, and the third Teke Finjan, an Uighur. Formerly it 
was Lach'in Finjan, the nephew of the Emir Sunchaq, and now it is 
his son, called Kermane. The fourth is Yighm'ish Finjan, who takes 
the place of Temur Finjan, and he too is an Uighur. 

Since the Qa’an resides mostly in the town of Daidu, a place has 
been made for the Great Divan, which they call shing , 140 where they 

133 Yu-ch'eng. See Doerfer, I, No. 407 (pp. 554-55). 

134 Tso-chteng. See Doerfer, III, No. 1201 (pp. 215-16). 

135 Ts'an-cheng. See Doerfer, I, No. 215 (p. 342). 

136 Ts'an-i. See Doerfer, I, No. 216 (p. 342). 

137 Lang-chung. See Doerfer, I, No. 358 (pp. 492-93). 

138 Cf. below, p. 289, the title of Ahmad Fanakati. The etymology of su or shu 
is not clear. See Doerfer, III, No. 1330, (p. 327). 

139 On Saiyid Ajall and his son Nasir al-DIn, see below, pp. 287-88. 

140 Sheng, Polo’s scieng. This was the Chung-shu sheng, or Grand Secretariat, which 
“worked at the capital, but had provincial delegations called ‘moving’ (. . . hsing ) 
Chung-shu-sheng, or simply hsing-shtng, and even sheng alone; the areas under the 



hold the Divan. And it is the custom for there to be a minister, who has 
charge of the gates: the memorials 141 that are received are taken to 
that minister and he makes inquiries about them. The name of this 
Divan is lais . 1 * 2 And when the inquiries are finished the facts of the 
case are written down and the report sent, along with the memorial, 
to the Divan called lusa , 143 which is higher than the other Divan. 
From thence it is sent to a third Divan, which they call chubivan , 144 
and then to a fourth Divan, the name of which is tunjinvan, 1Ai and 
matters relating to yams and couriers are under the charge of that 
Divan. It is taken from thence to a fifth Divan, which they call 
zhushitai 146 and which deals with military affairs. Then it is taken to 
the sixth Divan, the name of which is sanvisha . I47 All ambassadors, 
merchants, and travelers are there, and yarlighs and paizas are the 
concern of that Divan. This office belongs exclusively to the Emir 
Dashman. And after it has been taken to all these Divans it is then 
taken to the Great Divan, which they call shing, and inquiries are 
made there. They take the fingerprints of the persons that are ques- 
tioned. And the meaning of fingerprint is as follows. It has been dis- 
covered and confirmed by experience that the finger joints of all 
people are different. And so whenever they take a deposition from any- 
one, they place the paper between his fingers and on the back of the 
document mark the place where his finger joints touched, so that 
should he at some time deny his statement they can confront him with 

control of each hdng-cheng soon came to be themselves named shing colloquially, and 
this is the origin of the modern use of sheng in the sense of ‘province.’” See Polo II, 
pp. 727-28. 

141 Such seems to be the natural translation of a word ( bularghui , or the like) which 
in other contexts means “lost property.” See Iranica, pp. 82-84, Doerfer, I, No. 93 
(pp. 213-15). 

142 LYS. Blochet reads LYSH, in which he sees li-ssu “chambre qui s’occupe des 
fonctionnaires civils ” or “ chambre des rites.” 

143 LW'SH. Blochet reads LWSH, which he thinks may represent lu-ssti, “la 
chambre qui s’occupe des voies et communications.” 

144 Ch'u-mi yuan. This was the central organization for military affairs. See Doerfer, 
III, No. 1060 (pp. 45-46). 

145 Explained by Blochet as probably the Pung-ching yuan, which directed the post. 

146 The yii-shih Pai, the function of which was to sort out good and bad officials. 
See Doerfer, III, No. 1202 (p. 216). 

147 The hsuan-wei sse, which was concerned with the care of the military, particularly 
in the frontier areas. See Franke, IV, p. 56 1 . 


the marks of his fingers, and since these are correct, he can no longer 
deny it . 148 And having taken this precaution in all the Divans, they 
make their report and take action in accordance with the order then 

It is the custom for the above-mentioned emirs to go to the shing 
every day and interrogate people. The affairs of the country are 
numerous, and when these four chingsangs are sitting, the other officials 
also, each with their bitikchis, are seated in due order according to their 
office. In front of each of them is placed a stand like a chair with a 
pen-case on it. They are always there, and each emir has a special 
seal and tamgha. And several bitikchis are appointed, whose duty it is to 
write down the names of the persons who came to the Divan every 
day, so that if they do not attend for several days their wages are 
deducted. And if someone fails to attend without a valid excuse he is 
dismissed. It is these four chingsangs that report to the Qa’an. 

The shing of Khan-Bal'iq is extremely large, and the Divan archives 
for several thousand years are housed there. They record [everything] 
accurately in them and they contain excellent precepts. The employees 
in that shing number nearly two thousand. There is not a shing in every 
town, only in [those] places that provide a capital for many towns and 
provinces, such as Baghdad, Shiraz, and Qoniya in Rum. In the 
Qa’an’s empire there are twelve shings. In all the shings, except that of 
Khan-Baliq, there is no chingsang; at the head of each is an emir, in the 
capacities of both shahna and emir, and four Jinjans; and there are 
also the other Divans and offices. The locations of the twelve shings 
and their ranks are such as shall be recorded in this place, with the 
help of God Almighty. 

First — the shing of Khan-Bal'iq and Daidu. 

Second — the shing of the province of Jurche and Solangqa. This 
Divan is situated in the town of Chunju , 149 which is the largest town in 

148 Rashid al-Din clearly had only a vague idea of what the process of taking 
fingerprints involved. On the antiquity of the practice in China and Japan, see 
Cathay , pp. 123-24, note 2. 

149 This would appear to be Chongju, in the extreme northwest of Korea. On the 
other hand, Rashid al-Din is far more likely to have heard of Ch'ungju, in the South, 
attacked by the Mongols in 1253 and again in 1256. See Henthorn, pp. 1 13, 127, and 
129. Actually the capital of the Yuan province to which Rashid al-Din here refers 
was Liaoyang in Manchuria. 



Solangqa. ‘Ala al-Dln Finjan, the son of Husam al-Din Sam-Jing of 
Almali'q, and Hasan Zo-Ching are stationed there. 

Third — the shing of Goli and , IS0 which is a separate kingdom. 

The ruler is called yang . 151 Qubilai Qa’an gave him his daughter in 
marriage. His son is one of the Qa’an’s intimates, but he is not yang 
there . 152 

Fourth — the shing of the town of Namging . 153 This is a large town in 
the kingdom of Khitai on the bank of the River Qara-Moren : it is one 
of the ancient capitals of Khitai. 

Fifth — the shing of the town of Yangju , 154 which is on the frontier of 
Khitai. Toghan, the son of , 155 is stationed there. 

Sixth — the shing of the town of Khingsai , 156 which is the capital of 
Manzi. ‘Ala al-DIn Finjan, the son of Saif al-Din Taghachar Noyan, 
is stationed there together with a Khitayan noker called Suching, 
‘Umar Finjan Manzitai, and Beg Khocha Finjan Tusi. 

Seventh — the shing of the town of Fu-Ju , 157 one of the towns of Manzi. 
Formerly the shing was here and then it was transferred to Zaitun , 158 
but now it has been brought back. The governor at one time was 
Zhen, the brother of Dashman, and is now the Emir ‘Umar. Zaitun 
is the port, of which the governor is Baha al-Din of Qunduz. 

150 Blochet corrects the corrupt form to read Kokuli, that is, Kao-chii-li/Koguryo, 
an old name for Korea. See Polo I, pp. 234-35, ar *d Ledyard, p. 17. 

151 Chinese wang , “prince.” The then ruler was Ch‘ungnyol (1275-1308). 

152 His name was Won, afterwards King Ch'ungson (1309-1313). See Henthorn, 

153 The present-day Kaifeng in Honan. 

154 Polo’s Yangiu, Yangchow in Kiangsu. It was this city that Polo claimed to have 
governed for 3 years “by order of the Great Kaan” (Benedetto, p. 225). In point of 
fact, as suggested by Pelliot ( Polo II, p. 834), he probably held an office in the salt 

155 There is a blank in all the mss, but, as Pelliot has shown ( Polo II, pp. 875-76), 
this Toghan must be Qubilai’s eleventh son, on whom see below, p. 285 and note 176. 
As a consequence of his failure in Indo-China, he was banished from the Court and 
governed Yangchow from 1291 until his death in 1301. 

Is6 Hangchow. Khingsai, Polo’s Quinsai, represents the Chinese expression hsing-tsai, 
a shortened form of hsing-tsai so, meaning “Emperor’s temporary residence.” See 
Moule 1 957, pp. 8- 1 1 . 

157 Polo’s Fugiu, Foochow in Fukien. 

158 Chuanchow, on the coast of Fukien, Polo’s Qaiton. On this famous seaport, 
see Polo I, pp. 583-97. 



Eighth — the shing of the town of Lukin-Fu . 159 It is a town in the 
province of Manzi, one side of which belongs to Tangqut . 160 Hasan 
Finjan, the brother of Bayan Finjan, and the brother of Lach'in Finjan, 
whose name is also Hasan, are governors there. 

Ninth — the shing of *Kongi , 161 which the Tazlks call Chin-Kalan . 162 
It is an extremely large town on the seashore below Zaitun and is a 

great port. A man called Noqai and Rukn al-Din — 163 Finjan 

are governors there. 

Tenth — the shing of Qara-Jang, which is a separate country. There 
is a large town there called Yachi , 164 and the shing is in that town, the 
population of which are Muslims, the governors being Yaghan Tegin 
and Ya'qub Beg, the son of ‘All Beg, of the race of Yalavach. 

Eleventh — the shing of Kinjanfu , 165 which is a town in the Tangqut 
country. Ananda , 166 the son of Mangqala is in that country. The gov- 
ernors are , 167 the brother of Dashman Finjan, and ‘Umar 

Khita’L Ananda’ syurt is in a place called Chaghan-Na’ur , 168 where he 
has built a qarshi. 

Twelfth — the shing of Qamju , 169 which is also one of the towns of the 
Tangqut country. It is a very large kingdom with countless dependent 
territories. Ajiqii is stationed there, and an emir called Khojo is there in 
the capacity of governor. 

Since these countries are far apart from each other, a prince or 
emir is resident in each of them along with an army. He is responsible 
for the people of that province and its concerns and interests; he 
administers and protects it. The shing of each country is in the largest 
town of that country and each shing is the size of a village, for they have 

159 Lung-hsing fu, the modern Nanchang, in Kiangsi. See Polo I, p. 590. 

160 The reference to Tangqut, that is, to the Ordos Region, is clearly due to some 
mistake on the part of Rashid al-DIn. 

161 Canton. Pelliot ( Polo /, p. 276) sees in *Kongi a corrupt form of *Konfu 
or *Kongfu, that is, Kuang fu, a popular short form of Kuang-chou fu, that is, Canton. 

162 Or Chin-i Kalan, “Great China,” the Persian name for Canton. See Polo I, 

p. 276. 163 Blank in the mss. 

164 Polo’s Iaci, “either the present Yun-nan-fu [Kunming in Yunnan], or a town 
quite near to it and also on the banks of the lake.” See Polo I, pp. 745-48. 

155 Polo’s Quengianfu, that is, Sian, the capital of Shensi province. See Polo II, 
pp. 813-14. 166 See below, pp. 323-26. 

167 Blank in the mss. 168 See below, p. 286 and note 183. 

169 Polo’s Campcio, that is, Kanchow (Changyeh), in Kansu. See Polo I, pp. 



built many houses and rooms with their various appurtenances, and 
there are many slaves and servants in attendance on them. 

The details of the arrangement and organization of those Divans 
are extremely fine and subtle. It is their custom to put some criminals 
and offenders to death and to separate others from their homes, goods, 
and property and send them to dig clay, pull wagons, and carry stones, 
so that the people seeing emirs and important persons in such a position 
may take warning therefrom. Their yasaq and organization is of many 
kinds, and there are all sorts of stories about those countries, but since 
the history of those regions will be given separately in the appendix 
to this book, 170 we have limited ourselves here to what is stated above. 

account of the princes and emirs who are stationed with armies on the 
frontiers to defend the realm 

The Qa’an has no enemies in the Southeast, for all the countries 
lying in that direction are included in his Empire as far as the Ocean- 
Sea, except that near the coast of Jurche and Goli in the middle of the 
Ocean-Sea there is a large island called Jimingu, 171 which is nearly 
400 parasangs in circumference. There are many towns and villages 
there; it has its own ruler and is still now, as before, in rebellion. The 
people are short in stature with short necks and large bellies. There are 
many mines there. 

From the East to the shores of the Ocean and the borders of the 
Qirqiz country he has no enemies. 

In the southwest of Manzi, between the provinces of *Kongi 172 
and Zaitun, 173 there is a very large forest. A son of the ruler of Manzi 
has fled thither and although he has no strength or power he passes 
his time in brigandage and knavery. 

170 That is, in the History of China. 

171 That is, Japan, Jimingu, like Polo’s Cipingu, representing the Chinese Jih-pen 
kuo. See Polo I, pp. 6o8-6og. Curiously enough, Rashid al-Din makes no mention of 
Qubilai’s attempt at an invasion of Japan, on which see Franke, IV, pp. 432 ff., 
and Steppes, pp. 356-57. 

172 See above, p. 283, note 161. 

173 See above, p. 282, note 158. 



In the West there is a province called Kafje-Guh, 174 in which there 
are forests and other places of difficult access. It adjoins Qara-Jang 
and parts of India and the coast. There are two towns there, Lochak 
and Khainam 175 and it has its own ruler, who is in rebellion against 
the Qa’an. Toghan, the son 176 of the Qa’an, who is stationed with an 
army in Lukinfu 177 in the country of Manzi, is defending Manzi and 
also keeping an eye on those rebels. On one occasion, he penetrated 
with an army to those towns on the coast, captured them, and sat 
for a week upon the throne there. Then all at once their army sprang 
out from ambush in the sea[shore], the forest, and the mountains and 
attacked Toghan’s army while they were busy plundering. Toghan 
got away safely and is still in the Lukinfu area. 178 

In the Northwest, where the frontier with Tibet and the Zar- 
Dandan is, the Qa’an has no enemies, except in the direction of 
Qutlugh-Khwaja’s army, 179 but there are difficult mountains between 
them and no enemy can enter. Nevertheless, certain troops have been 
stationed there to defend that area. 

The Northeast in its whole extent adjoins [the territories] of Qaidu 
and Du’a. Between their frontiers and those of the Qa’an is a 40 days’ 
journey through the desert. The armies and scouts of both sides are 
stationed on the frontiers, defending their territory and keeping a 
look-out; and sometimes there is also fighting. The Qa’an’s frontier 
in that direction extends eastward for a month’s journey, and there 
are armies and scouts in most of the vital places. Beginning in the 
East, princes and emirs have been stationed with armies [all along the 
frontier]. In the extreme East, Prince Kambala, 180 the great-uncle of 
the Qa’an on the father’s side, is stationed with an army. Next to him 

174 That is, Tonking. See above, p. 272 and note 97. 

175 Apparently the Leichow Peninsula and Hainan Island are meant, though these 
identifications are not altogether satisfactory. See Polo /, pp. 242-44, and Cathay, 
p. 130 and note 3. 

176 He was Qubilai’s eleventh son. See above, p. 245. 

177 See above, p. 283 and note isg. 

178 On Toghan’s two expeditions into Indo-China (1285 and 1287-1288), see 
Franke, IV, pp. 452-55, and Steppes, pp. 357-58. 

179 That is, the Qaraunas in the Ghazna area of Afghanistan. See above, p. 144. 

180 Apparently, a brother of Genghis Khan, but there must be some mistake since 
none of his brothers bore this name. 


is Korgiiz Kiiregen , 181 the son-in-law of the Qa’an; next to him, 
Jungqur, the son of Toqtaq, who was one of Qubilai Qa’an’s great 
emirs; next to him, Nangiyadai, the son of Nayan Kuyiikchi, who also 
was a great emir; next to him, Kokochii, the uncle of Temur Qa’an. 
Then comes the Tangqut country, which is administered by Prince 
Ananda , 182 the son of Mangqala, who is stationed there with his 
army in the neighborhood of Chaghan-Na’ur . 183 Next to him is the fron- 
tier of Qara-Khocho, which is a town of the Uighurs. There is good 
wine there. It is between the frontiers of the Qa’an and Qaidu, and the 
people are on good terms with them both and render service to both 
sides. Next to them are stationed the princes Aji'qi, the grandson of 
Chaghatai, and Chiibei, the son of Alghu. Then come the difficult 
mountains of Tibet, already mentioned. It is impossible to travel 
along the roads of this country in summer because of the lack of water ; 
it is possible in winter only if one drinks snow water. And God knows 
best what is right. 

dance on the Qa’an and dependent on him 

Of the princes, Toqta Ko’un , 184 the son-in-law of the Emir Oljei 
Chingsang, administers the uruq of Taghachar 185 in place of Nayan. 
When the latter was put to death, a yarligh was issued that all their 
slaves and prisoners that they had taken should be released; they all 

gathered around him. Another, , l86 the son ofToguz, one of the 

wive’s of , 187 lives in the yurts on the Onan and Keliiren. Khai- 

181 This is Polo’s Pringe George of the Nestorian tribe of the Ongiit, who was 
converted to Roman Cawrolicism by Giovanni da Montecorvino. See Polo II, p. 737. 

l8z See below, pp. 323-26. 

183 In Mongol, “White Lake.” According to Pelliot (Polo I, p. 247), it was situated 
“inside the great bend of the Yellow River, somewhat west of Yii-lin and north of the 
district of Huai-yiian (now Heng-shan) . . . .” 

184 That is, Prince Toqta, Mo. ko’iin, “son,” like T. oghul, being a title applied to 
princes of the blood. Toqta was Nayan’s son. 

185 Nayan’s grandfather and the grandson of Genghis Khan’s brother Temiige- 
Otchigin. See Polo II, p. 788. On Nayan’s revolt, see below, p. 298. 

186 Blank in the text. 187 Blank in the text. 



shang , 188 the son of Taiki , 189 one of the wives of Asutai, who is 
extremely beautiful and is married to the Qa’an, is a prince: Tore 
Oghul and Yasa’ur are brothers . 190 Sose, the son of Kochii of the uruq 
of Ogetei, is a great prince. Of the uruq of Chaghatai [there] is Ajiq'i , 191 
the son of Buri, the son of Mo’etiiken : he is the oldest of all the princes 
and today [is] a very great and important person. 

As for the sons-in-law of the Qa’an, those whose names are known 
are as follows. One is the son of the ruler of Solangqa . 192 Another is 
Manzitai of the Qonqiirat tribe: he is married to a daughter whose 
name is *Onegejin . 193 Another is the son of the ruler of Manzi, who in 
former times was their ruler but [who] has now been deposed and 
resides with the Qa’an in the capacities of son-in-law and emir . 194 
And God knows best what is right , and it is to Him that we return. 

vizier of the Qa’an, and his grandson, Bayan Finjan 

The grandson of Saiyid Ajall Bukhari 195 was vizier at the Court of 
Qubilai Qa’an after [the death of] Yalavach, and the Qa’an entrusted 
the province of Qara-Jang to him. When Qubilai Qa’an entered that 
country on the orders of Mongke Qa’an, and his army was left hungry 
and naked, [the grandson of Saiyid Ajall Bukhari] came forward and 
duly performed the ceremonies of service. Qubilai Qa’an agreed to 
have him trained in the service of Mongke Qa’an, and so he did. 
Mongke Qa’an treated him kindly and showed him many favors, and 
when the turn came for Qubilai Qa’an to reign he too showed him 
favor and bestowed upon him the office of vizier, sending his son, 

188 to b c confused with the future Great Khan (1307-131 1), a great-grandson of 
Qubilai. 189 See below, p. 327. 

190 Neither can be identified. 

191 He was prince of Wei-yiian, a town in Yunan. See Chapitre CVII, p. 57. 

192 See above, p. 33 and note 99. 

193 “Vixen.” Blochet’s text has AWTKCYN, Verkhovsky’s ANKHYN. 

194 This was the child Emperor Kung-tsung (1274-1276) brought to Shang-tu 
after the fall of Hangchow. He received the title of “Duke of Ying kuo.” In 1288 he is 
said to have gone to Tibet to study Buddhism and in 1296 to have become a monk. 
See Franke, IV, p. 342. 

195 This was the Saiyid Ajall, Shams al-Din ‘Umar, born ca. 1210, died in 1279, 
on whom see Steppes, p. 365, note 2, and Franke, IV, p. 47, V, pp. 224-25. 



Nasir al-Din, 196 to take his place as governor of Qara-Jang. He was 
vizier for 25 years, and no informer ever appeared against him and no 
misfortune ever befell him. He died a natural death; and this was a 
great marvel. Nasir al-Din remained governor of Qara-Jang and came 
to make submission to the Qa’an. He died during the last 5 years and 
was buried in his own garden in Khan-Baliq. Previously, Nasir al-Dln’s 
son, Abu Bakr by name, now called Bayan Finjan, had been sent as 
governor to the town of Zaitun. 

When Saiyid Ajall died, the Emir Ahmad Fanakati' 97 became the 
Qa’an’s vizier, and the loosening and binding of affairs was in his 
hands. When Chabui Khatun was still in her father’s house, the Emir 
Ahmad had some close connection with them. Therefore, when she 
became the Qa’an’s wife, he was in attendance at her ordo. He acquired 
authority, became one of the great emirs, and obtained control of the 
Empire. The Khitayan emirs, out of envy, were ill disposed toward 
him. Jim-Gim too had a dislike for him, to such an extent that one 
day he struck him on the head with a bow and split his face open. 
When he came before the Qa’an, the latter asked : “ What has happened 
to thy face?” He replied that he had been kicked by a horse. Jim- 
Gim, who was present, was offended and said : “Art thou ashamed to say 
that Jim-Gim hit thee?” And he punched him a number of times with 
his fist in the Qa’an’s presence. Ahmad was always afraid of him. 

In the summer of that year, when the Qa’an was leaving the town of 
Daidu for his summer residence, he put Ahmad and an emir called 
Tergen of the Qipchaq people in charge of the Divan and treasuries 
to guard the qarshi. The Khitayan emirs who were present in atten- 
dance, moved by feelings of long-standing envy and hatred, began to 
plot against his life. 

vizier of the Qa’an; how he was killed by Gau Finjan; and how 
Manzi was conquered by Gau Finjan 198 

196 Polo’s Nescradin. See Polo II, pp. 793-94- Polo’s spelling, like the Chinese 
transcription Na-su-la-ting, indicates a form Nasr al-Din, but Rashid al-Din — pace 
Pelliot, p. 794 — has only Nasir al-Din. 

197 Polo’s Acmat. See Polo I, pp. 10-1 1 . 

198 For a translation of this chapter by the late Professor Reuben Levy, see Moule 
i 957 > PP- 7°~72 and 79-80. 



During the reign of Qubilai Qa’an, when the Emir Ahmad Fanakatl 
was vizier, a Khitayan called Gau Finjan was also vizier. 1 " Now 
since the Emir Ahmad possessed great authority, he was called su- 
finjan , that is, “alert vizier,” su being the title of the great Jinjans . 200 
Gau Finjan had many followers and was jealous of the Emir Ahmad. 
In the aforementioned summer, when the Qa’an had put him in 
charge of the qarshi and Divan of Khan-Bal'iq and Daidu, Gau Finjan 
plotted with a group of Khitayans to make an attempt on [Ahmad’s] 
life. A slave, one of the Emir Ahmad’s attendants, learnt of their 
intention and informed him. He took forty choice horses from the 
Qa’an’s own geldings, which had been put to barley, and made off 
in the night. The Khitayans learnt of his departure. By daylight he had 

reached a village 5 parasangs off, which they call , 201 and the 

Taziks call Chula Village or Saiyid Ajall’s yam. The Khitayans, 
having already traveled along these roads, did not allow him to cross 
the bridge. He tried to enter the river and cross it, but the Khitayans 
blocked the way and prevented him. In the midst of his exchanges 
with them, Gau Finjan arrived in his pursuit, seized his halter and 
said: “The Qa’an has placed us here to see to the affairs of the Divan. 
Why art thou going away without consulting us?” He replied: “The 
Qa’an has sent for me and I am going to him.” But Gau Finjan would 
not let him pass, and in the midst of their argument four messengers 
arrived from the Qa’an on matters of business. Seeing them the Emir 
Ahmad cried out: “I am going to the Qa’an and they will not let me 
pass.” The messengers said: “The Qa’an has sent us to fetch the 
Emir Ahmad.” Gau Finjan said: “He has put us here to attend to 
the affairs of the Divan, and we have business with this man.” The 
messengers insisted and they released him. He went and joined the 
Qa’an in his summer residence. Procuring a black tray, he poured all 
kinds of pearls on to it, placed a knife on it, and, covering it with red 

199 In the Chinese sources he appears as Kao Ho-chang, that is, “ Kao the Buddhist 
monk;” there is no question of his holding the office of p'ing-chang, let alone “vizier.” 
Moreover, he is mentioned only as a participant in the plot against Ahmad Fanakatl 
and not at all in connection with the siege of Siangyang. For a discussion of the prob- 
lems involved, see Moule 1957, pp. 86-87, and Polo /, pp. 10-11. 

200 See above, p. 278 and note 132. 

201 Blochet’s text has SNDAY, whence Levy’s Shandai (Moule 1957, p. 7 1 )- 
Verkhovsky’s text has SZAY. 



torghu , 202 brought it before the Qa’an, who asked: “What is this and 
what is the meaning of it?” He replied: “Formerly, when I [first] 
entered the Qa’an’s service, my beard was as black as this tray; in 
serving it has become as white as these pearls. Gau Finjan wishes to 
take a knife and make my beard as red as this torghu .” And he told 
what had happened and the messengers who had witnessed it testified 
that he was speaking the truth. The Qa’an ordered them to go and 
arrest Gau Finjan. 

Learning that the matter had been reported, Gau Finjan fled to the 
town of Sayan-Fu on the border of Manzi on the banks of the Qara- 
Moren , 203 half on one side and half on the other. In the olden days, 
one half paid taxes to the rulers of Khitai and one half to the rulers of 
Manzi, there being peace between them. But when Khitai came under 
the control of the Mongols the whole of the town was seized by the 
ruler of Manzi. There is a strong castle, a stout wall, and a deep moat 
on this side of the town, and although the Mongol army went [and 
laid siege to it] it was impossible to take it. When Gau Finjan went 
thither the people were encouraged by his arrival since he was an 
important and celebrated emir. They placed their trust in him, and he 
became one of the chief emirs there also. 

The Qa’an ordered Bayan to go in pursuit of him at the head of an 
army. Formerly there had been no Frankish mangonels in Khitai, 
but Talib , 204 a mangonel-maker, had come thither from Baalbek and 

202 t. “fine silk.” See Doerfer, II, No. 884 (pp. 478-80). 

203 Siangyang stands, of course, not on the Hwang Ho but on the Han. 

20+ This was apparently I-ssu-ma-yin, (Isma'il), one of the two “makers of cata- 
pults,” the other being A-lao-wa-ting (‘Ala al-Din), sent to Qubilai by the Il-Khan 
Abaqa. Isma'iPs native place is given as Hsu-lieh, which has been variously identified 
as Shiraz, Herat, and Hilla but is almost certainly Aleppo. See Moule 1957, pp. 
76-77, and Polo I, pp. 4-5. We read in the Travels of Marco Polo that the mangonels 
used at Siangyang were constructed by an Alan and a Nestorian Christian under the 
instructions of Polo’s father, uncle, and himself. It has however been demonstrated 
by Moule, (1957, p. 74) that “the siege was over about two years before Marco 
himself entered China, while it had not formally begun when Nicolo and Maffeo 
left China after their first visit.” “ For the story of the participation of Nicolo, Maffeo, 
and Marco in the siege no defence seems to be possible, it cannot be true, and it can 
hardly be due to failure of memory. We can only guess that Rustichello or some 
later editor felt that a good story would be made better by the substitution of the 
familiar names of his heroes for the strange uncouth names of unknown foreigners ; 
and it is to be specially noted that this embarrassing statement is not found in the 
abbreviated texts of the mss” (Moule 1957, p. 77). 



Damascus, and his sons, Abu Bakr, Ibrahim, and Muhammad, and his 
dependants had constructed seven large mangonels and set out to 
capture the town. Gau Finjan sent a spy to the commanders of the 
army to say: “I have committed no crime, but there was enmity be- 
tween me and the Emir Ahmad, and we used to attack each other, and 
now I have fled hither in fear. But if the Qa’an will spare my life I 
shall deliver the town into your hands, and the foundation of the 
kingdom of Manzi is laid upon this town, and when it is taken, the 
whole of the country will be conquered.” They sent Gau Finjan’s 
messenger to the Qa’an to report this message to him. The Qa’an 
received him with favor and sent a letter of safe-conduct and a sword 
for Gau Finjan. He was encouraged by this. The army now trained 
the mangonels on the castle and destroyed the towers; and Gau 
Finjan made a hole from the inside and came out. And when the ruler 
of Manzi learnt of the destruction of the towers and Gau Finjan’s 
treachery he abandoned the castle and departed with a large following 
to the far side of the river. And when Bayan had captured the castle 
on this side and massacred and looted, he fled with his forces from the 
far side also and was unable to make a stand in any place and face the 
army of the Qa’an ; and so the whole of Manzi was subdued and con- 
quered. As for Gau Finjan, he joined the Qa’an’s army, and when he 
arrived in Court was distinguished with all manner of favors, being 
reinstated as finjan and becoming the associate of the Emir Ahmad. 

The Emir Ahmad held the vizierate with honor for nearly 2 5 years, 
and Gau Finjan was associated with him for 9 years more with his 
customary rancor and envy; and after another 9 years he made another 
attempt on his life. It happened as follows. A certain Khitayan laid 
claim to properties of holiness and chastity and had made himself 
known in the ordos for his asceticism and piety. One day he pretended 
to be ill and sent some of his disciples to the emirs to say: “I shall die 
and come to life again after 40 days.” They went and said this, and 
some people were sent to investigate. He was lying in his house in the 
manner of the dead and his children were mourning and lamenting 
over him. They thought that he was really dead, but after 40 days 
he came out and put about the story that he had come to life again. 
The Khitayans rallied around him and his affairs prospered greatly. 
Gau Finjan and the people of Daidu now went to him and consulted 


him about getting rid of the Emir Ahmad. As he was extremely cautious 
and alert, always having guards with him and his sleeping-place not 
being known, they decided to send two thousand men to a valley 
known as Chamchiyal, 205 4 parasangs from Daidu, in order to hold it, 
whilst a thousand men should go and spread the rumor that Jim-Gim 
was coming, so that the Emir Ahmad might come out to meet him and 
they might kill him. 

Gau Finjan seated himself in a palanquin, for it is a custom of the 
rulers of those parts sometimes to sit in a palanquin and they often 
travel this way by night. And from that valley relays of heralds and 
messengers were dispatched to announce that Jim-Gim was coming. 
Ahmad was afraid of him. And all the men he sent in advance they 
killed. In the night they entered [the town] with torches and candles 
as is the custom of their rulers. When they drew near to the qarshi t the 
Emir Ahmad came out to take a cup, and they seized him and put him 
to death. As for the Emir Tergen, who was his noker, he had acted with 
caution and had guessed that something was wrong. Standing at a 
distance with his nokers he took an arrow and shot Gau Finjan dead in 
the palanquin. 206 The Khitayans fled and Tergen occupied the qarshi. 
There was a great deal of slaughter and tumult in the night, and the 
Khitayans went out [and hid themselves] in corners. 

When this was reported to the Qa’an, he dispatched the Emir 
Bolad Aqa 207 and Hantum Noyan at the head of an army to execute 
all of the Khitayans who had caused this disturbance. And he ordered 
4,000 balish to be paid for the Emir Ahmad’s funeral expenses and sent 
the great men and emirs to bury him with full honors. 

205 See above, p. 275 and note 109. 

206 According to Polo (Benedetto, p. 128), the man shot in the palanquin was the 
conspirator he calls Vanchu, that is, the title wan-hu, “commander of ten thousand,” 
used as a name; and both Moule (1957, p. 87) and Pelliot ( Polo /, p. 11) conclude 
that Vanchu and Kao must be one and the same person. Vanchu’s assailant was, 
according to Polo, not Tergen (whom he does not mention) but “a Tartar called 
Cogatai” (Benedetto, p. 127), whom Pelliot (Polo I, pp. 395-96) is inclined to identify 
with the official Kao Hsi. 

207 Referred to in the Yiian shih (Moule 1957, p. 84) as “the shu-mifu shih Po-lo.” 
A translation of this passage by Charignon “was used to revive the belief that the 
Po-lo of the Chinese texts is Marco Polo, which Pelliot had long ago shown to be 
impossible” (Moule 1957, p. 84). 



Forty days later, the Qa’an sent for a large stone to set in his crown. 
It could not be found. Two merchants, who were there, came and said: 
“Previously we had brought a large stone for the Qa’an and [had] 
given it to the Emir Ahmad.” The Qa’an said: “He did not bring it to 
me.” And he sent to have it fetched from his house. It was found on his 
wife Injii Khatun 208 and brought to the Qa’an. He was extremely 
annoyed and asked the merchants what should be the punishment of a 
slave who committed such a crime. They replied: “If alive he should 
be put to death, and if dead he should be taken out of his grave and 
publicly exposed as a warning to others.” And the Khitayans for their 
part said to Jim-Gim: “He was thy enemy, and it was for that reason 
that we killed him.” For that reason they had planted enmity toward 
him in the Qa’an’s heart. Therefore, he ordered his body to be taken 
out of the grave and hanged in the market place by a rope tied to the 
feet, whilst wagons were driven over his head. Inju, his wife, was also 
put to death, and the forty other wives and four hundred concubines 
that he had were given away, whilst his possessions and effects were 
expropriated for the treasury. As for his sons, the Emir Hasan and the 
Emir Husain, they were beaten until the skin came off, while his other 
children were given away. After [Ahmad’s] death, the vizierate was 
conferred upon an Uighur called Senge, whose history is as now 

Qa’an’s vizier after the Emir Ahmad; his latter end 

During the vizierate of Senge, a group of Muslim merchants came 
to the Qa’an’s Court from the country of the Qori , 209 Barqu , 210 
and Qi'rqiz and brought as their audience-offering white-footed, red- 
beaked gerfalcons and a white eagle. The Qa’an showed them favor 
and gave them food from his table, but they would not eat it. He asked : 
“Why will you not eat?” They replied: “This food is unclean to us.” 

208 The Yuan shih (Moule 1957, p. 84) refers to her as one of his concubines called 

209 On the Qori, who along with the Barghut, the To’eles, and the Tumat inhabited 
the Barghujin-Togum to the east of Lake Baikal, see Campagnes, pp. 63-64. 

210 That is, the Barghut, on whom see Polo I, pp. 76-79. 



The Qa’an was offended and commanded : “ Henceforth Muslims and 
People of the Book 211 shall not slaughter sheep but shall split open 
the breast and side in the Mongol fashion. And whoever slaughters 
sheep shall be slaughtered likewise and his wife, children, house, and 
property given to the informer.” 212 

‘Isa Tarsa Kelemechi, 213 Ibn Ma‘ali, and Baidaq, some of the 
mischievous, wicked, and corrupt men of their age, availed themselves 
of this decree to obtain a yarligh that whoever slaughtered a sheep 
in his house should be executed. On this pretext they extorted much 
wealth from the people and tempted the slaves of Muslims, saying: 
“If you inform against your master we will set you free.” And for the 
sake of their freedom they calumniated their masters and accused 
them of crimes. ‘Isa Kelemechi and his accursed followers brought 
matters to such a pass that for 4 years Muslims could not circumcise 
their children. They also brought false charges against Maulana 
Burhan al-DIn Bukhari, a disciple of the godly Shaikh al-Islam Saif 
al-Din Bakharzi ( may God have mercy on him!), and he was sent to Manzi, 
where he died. Conditions became such that most Muslims left the 
country of Khitai. Thereupon most of the chief Muslims of those parts 
— Baha al-Din Qunduzi, Shadi Zo-Cheng, ‘Umar Qirqizi, Nasir 
al-Din Malik Kashghari, Hindu Zo-Cheng and other notables — 
jointly offered many presents to the vizier, so that he made the follow- 
ing representation [to the Qa’an] : “All the Muslim merchants have 
departed from hence and no merchants are coming from the Muslim 
countries; the tamghas are inadequate and they do not bring tangsuqs ; 214 
and all this because for the past 7 years they have not slaughtered 
sheep. If it be so commanded, the merchants will come and go and the 
tamgha will be collected in full.” Permission was given for the issue of a 
yarligh to this effect. 

Again, the Christians in the Qa’an’s reign showed great fanaticism 
against the Muslims and sought to attack them by representing to the 

211 That is, Christians and Jews. 

212 According to the Tuan shih, the edict forbidding ritual slaughter was issued on the 
27th January, 1280. Sec Polo I, pp. 77-78. 

213 That is, Jesus the Christian, the Interpreter, the Ai-hsieh of the Chinese texts. 

On this Arabic-speaking Christian, who passed the whole of his life in the service 
of the Mongols and who took part in an embassy to the Pope, see Moule 1930, pp. 
228-29. 214 See Glossary. 



Qa’an that there was a verse in the Qur’an which ran: “ Kill the 
polytheists , all of them ." 215 The Qa’an was annoyed and asked: “From 
whence do they know this?” He was told that a letter on this subject 
had arrived from Abaqa Khan. He sent for the letter and, summoning 
the danishmands , 216 asked the senior amongst them, Baha al-Din 
Baha’i: “Is there such a verse in your Qur’an?” “Yes,” he replied. 
“Do you regard the Qur’an,” asked the Qa’an, “as the word of 
God?” “We do,” he said. “Since then,” the Qa’an went on, “you 
have been commanded by God to kill the infidels, why do you not 
kill them?” He replied: “The time has not yet come, and we have not 
the means.” The Qa’an fell into a rage and said: “I at least have the 
means.” And he ordered him to be put to death. However, the Emir 
Ahmad the vizier, the Cadi Baha al-DIn, who also had the rank of 
vizier, and the Emir Dashman prevented this on the pretext that they 
would ask others also. They sent for Maulana Hamid al-Din, formerly of 
Samarqand, and the same question was put to him. He said that there 
was such a verse. “Why then,” said the Qa’an, “do you not kill 
[these people]?” He answered: “God Almighty has said: ‘Kill the 
polytheists’, but if the Qa’an will so instruct me, I will tell him what a 
polytheist is.” “Speak,” said the Qa’an. “Thou art not a polytheist,” 
said Hamid al-Din, “since thou writest the name of the Great God 
at the head of thy yarlighs. Such a one is a polytheist who does not 
recognize God, and attributes companions to Him, and rejects the 
Great God.” The Qa’an was extremely pleased and these words took 
firm root in his heart. He honored Hamid al-Din and showed favor to 
him; and at his suggestion the others were released. 

Senge was vizier for 7 years. It so happened that one day the Qa’an 
asked him for several pearls and he said that he had none. There was at 
the Qa’an’s Court a native of Damghan called Mubarak-Shah who 
was a favorite courtier. He was awaiting an opportunity to attack 
Senge, and he now spoke as follows: “Senge has a kharvdr of pearls 
and jewelry in his house, and I have seen them. Let the Qa’an keep 
him occupied while I go and fetch them from his house.” The Qa’an 

215 Apparently a contamination of Koran, ix, 5 (“, . . kill those who join other 
gods with God . . .”) and 36 (“. . . attack those who join other gods with God in 
all . . .”). The reference is of course, in both cases, not to polytheists in general but to 
the heathen opponents of the Prophet. 

216 See Glossary. 



kept him occupied in his presence, and Mubarak-Shah fetched a 
pair of caskets from his house. They were opened, and in them were 
fine pearls and matchless jewelry. The Qa’an showed them to Senge and 
said: “How is it that thou hast so many pearls and, when I asked thee 
for two or three, thou didst not give them to me?” Senge was filled 
with shame and said: “The aforementioned Tazik dignitaries gave 
them to me.” (These were each of them the governor of a special 
province.) “Why,” asked the Qa’an, “did they not bring pearls 
and jewelry for me also? Thou bringest coarse and bad fabrics for me 
and takest money and matchless necklaces for thyself.” Senge replied: 
“It was they who gave them. Let the Qa’an issue a yarligh that I am 
to give them back.” His words being rude and impolite, the Qa’an 
ordered him to be seized and filth to be placed in his mouth ; and he and 
such of the Tazik emirs as were present were put to death. As for the 
others, who were in Manzi, he sent to have them arrested. And when 
Baha al-Din Qunduzi, Malik Nasir al-Din Kashghari, ‘Umar Qirqizi, 
and Shadi Zo-Cheng were brought, he ordered them also to be execu- 
ted. Then he said: “I obtained Baha al-Din Qunduzi from his father.” 
He shouted at him, struck him on the face several times with his own 
hand, and then had him placed in a cangue and thrown down a well. 
Of Nasir al-Din he said: “I summoned him from Kashghar. Give him 
back his property.” Having been pardoned, he had no sooner mounted 
horse than a number of people joined him on horseback, for he was a 
generous and bountiful man and had many friends. On his way he 
came upon the Emir Kerei Ba’urchi, who, because of his age, was 
traveling in a wagon. Malik Nasir al-Din could not see him because 
of the crowd of people and so did not greet him or pay him any atten- 
tion. He was offended, and Pahlavan, the malik of Badakhshan, who 
had once come to those parts, said to him: “This is Malik Nasir al-Din, 
who was going to be put to death, and now his head is filled with all 
this pride and arrogance and he is accompanied by all these horsemen. 
And every year he sends more than a thousand tenges 217 for Qaidu’s 
army.” Being offended with him, Kerei made a charge against him 
when he came to the Qa’an, and a yarligh was issued for him to be 

217 On the tenge, a small silver coin which formed the main currency of the Mongol 
world from the end of the 14th to the beginning of the 16th century, see Doerfer, 
II, No. 946 (pp. 587-92). 



brought back and put to death. As for ‘Umar Qirqizi and ShadI 
Zo-Cheng, Prince Aji'qi interceded on their behalf and the Qa’an 
spared their lives: he liberated Baha al-Din Qunduzi also and set up 
Oljei Chingsang in place of Senge. 

their chief men; the function of each one of them 

Of the Qa’an’s great emirs, one was Bayan Noyan of the Barin people, 
who was brought from those parts and died 8 months after the Qa’an : 
he had sons and daughters. Another was Hantun Chingsang, 218 
who was taken prisoner with Nomoghan and who died a year before the 
Qa’an. Another is Uchachar Noyan, who is still in power and holding 
office at the Court of Temur Qa’an, as is Oljei Chingsang. Dashman 
too is still a person of authority : he is in charge of yarl'ighs, paizas , 
ortaqs , and incomings and outgoings. As for Tarkhan Chingsang, he 
enjoys greater authority than before: he is in the Divan. Nal'iqu, 
Jirqalan, and Chirtaqu are three brothers at the head of the qush- 
chis 219 and in charge of the Divans of the totqa’ul 220 and getiisun : 221 
they have to report whatever they know and make arrests. Nal'iqu 
died 2 years after the Qa’an. Badam Noyan was the chief qushchi and 
the brother of Sunchaq Aqa [the chief] bitikehi. When the latter died, 
his son Lach'in Finjan became Great Emir of the bitikehis. He too died, 
and his son Teke Finjan has now succeeded him: he administers many 
divans and yams. Kerei Ba’urchi died after the Qa’an. Of the great 
emirs of the army, Ambai was at the head of all the armies: he still 
occupies this post. Muqbil Finjan was biike’ul 222 of the army and still is. 
Hoqotai was the commander of the four keziks and is so still. The 
commanders of the shukurchis 223 are Isma‘Il, Muhammad Shah, 

218 The Hantum Noyan of above, p. 266 and note 71. 

219 T. qushchi, “falconer,” on which see Doerfer, III, No. 1564 (pp. 548-49). 

220 On M. todqa’ul, “inspector of post relays,” see Mostaert-Cleaves, pp. 436-37; 
also Doerfer, I, No. 124 (pp. 251-53). 

221 On M. getusiin, “ spy, state police,” see Doerfer, I, No. 353 (pp. 488-89) . 

222 On T. biike’iil, “food-taster, commissary,” see Doerfer, II, No. 755 (pp. 301-307). 

223 On M. shiikurchi, “umbrella holder at the Imperial court,” see Doerfer, I, 
No. 235 (pp. 257-58). 



Akhtachi, Mubarak, Turm'ish, and Y'ighm'ish. This Yighm'ish was 
brought up by Temur Qa’an and he is recording the Qa’an’s words, as is 
their custom. 

Nayan Noyan of the uruq of Taghachar Noyan 224 and the princes 
allied with him; the appointment ofJim-Gim as heir-apparent 

It is related that in the qaqaytl, corresponding to the year 688/1289- 
1290, 225 Nayan Noyan of the uruq of Taghachar Noyan, the grandson 
of Otchi Noyan, along with certain descendants of Yesiingge Aqa 226 
and other princes had had a difference with the Qa’an and had set out 
to join Qaidu and Du’a. The Qa’an’s army had gone in pursuit of 
them, a battle had been fought, and they had defeated the army. 
News of this was brought to the Qa’an, and althought he was suffering 
from rheumatism and had grown old and weak he set out in a palan- 
quin on the back of an elephant. 227 The Qa’an’s army was nearly put 
to flight. The elephant with the palanquin was then driven up on to a 
hill and the kettledrum beaten, whereupon Nayan Noyan and the 
princes fled with all their troops and the Qa’an’s army went in pursuit 
of them. They were seized by their own fellow officers and brought 
before the Qa’an. He had them all put to death and divided up and 
scattered their forces. 228 Thereafter, the Qa’an could move but little 

224 See above, p. 204 and note 32. 

225 This is wrong; the Year of the Pig in question corresponded to 1287. Cf. Polo II, 
p. 789: “ Nayan revolted between May 14 and June 12, 1287 .... Qubilai left Shang- 
tu on the 24th or 25th of June, the main battle took place about the 16th of July; 
Nayan was taken prisoner and executed. The fighting went on against his associates, 
and Qubilai returned to Shang-tu on the 15th of September, 1287.” 

226 Yesiingge was the son of Genghis Khan’s brother Jochi-Qasar. 

227 “The fabrication of the first ‘elephant-litters’ (. . . hsiang-chiao) , evidently for 
Imperial use, is noted in the Annals toward the end of 1280 . . ..” ( Polo II, p. 789.) 
According to Polo (Benedetto, p. 106), Qubilai was mounted “upon a bartizan 
borne by four elephants, full of crossbow-men and archers, with his flag above him, 
bearing the figures of the sun and the moon, and so high that it could be seen from 
all sides. The four elephants were all covered with very stout boiled hides, overlaid 
with cloths of silk and gold.” 

228 Polo describes Nayan’s execution: as a royal prince he was beaten to death in 
such a manner as not to shed his blood. See Benedetto, p. 108, and Boyle 1961, p. 150, 
note 5. 



because of his rheumatism, and the armies remained on the frontiers 
of Du’a and Qaidu. 

In previous years, when Nomoghan had not yet been carried off 
by Qaidu’s army, there had been some talk of his being heir- apparent, 
and the wish had been present in the Qa’an’s mind. Afterward, 
perceiving Jim-Gim to be extremely intelligent and able, he became 
very fond of him, and when Tode-Mongke sent Nomoghan back the 
Qa’an decreed that Jim-Gim was to be set up as Qa’an. 229 Nomoghan 
was displeased and said: “When he becomes Qa’an what will they call 
thee?” The Qa’an was annoyed and, after reprimanding him, dis- 
missed him from his presence. He gave orders that [Nomoghan] 
was not to be admitted before him again, and he died within the next 
few days. The Qa’an then set up Jim-Gim as Emperor. He was Em- 
peror for 3 days and then died, and his throne was sealed. His wife, 
Kokejin by name, was very intelligent and the Qa’an was on very good 
terms with her and did whatever she commanded. 

Toward the end of the Qa’an’s reign there was a rebellion in a 
province called Lukin 2 *° on the sea-coast below the province of Sayan 
Fu in Manzi. To quell the rebellion he sent, of the Mongol emirs, 
Yighm'ish and Tarkhan, of the Khitayan emirs, Suching, and of the 
Tazxks, Ghulam Sam-Jing and ‘Umar Yu-Ching, the brother of 
Saiyid Ajall, at the head of an army. They defeated the rebels and 
plundered [their territory] . 

On the frontier with Qaidu and Du’a the scouts came in contact 
with each other but there was no war. At the end of the Qa’an’s 
reign, Du’a once set out on a campaign and came to that [part of the] 
frontier and sube, 2il where Chiibei is stationed guarding the frontier 
with twelve thousand men. Du’a wished to make a night attack on 
him, but [Chiibei] learnt of his intention and attacked the van of 

229 That is, Great Khan elect. 

230 This cannot be Lung-hsing (see above, p. 283, note 159), which is nowhere 
near the seacoast. On the whole, it would seem that we have to do with a garbled 
account of the expedition to Java in 1292, to which Rashid al-Din has already briefly 
referred (p. 272). At any rate, Yighmish (who appears in the Chinese sources as 
I-hei-mi-shih and is described as an Uighur) was one of the commanders of that 
expedition. See Franke, IV, pp. 463 and 465, V, p. 232. 

231 Mo. sube, “ eye of a needle . . . narrow passage, defile; strategic point” (Lessing, 



Du’a’s army by night, killing four thousand men. Du’a received news 
of this during that same night. He set out with all his forces; the two 
armies met at dawn, and many were killed on either side. Chiibei 
had set out without notifying Aj'iq'i and Ananda, proceeding at high 
speed. It followed that he was unable to withstand the attack and [so] 
fled. When Aj'iq'i received the news he sent word to Ananda and set out. 
But by the time they had collected their forces and started, Du’a 
had turned back and their forces could not overtake him. This was one 
of the reasons for Du’a’s bold attitude toward the Qa’an’s army. 
When the Qa’an learnt of it he blamed Aj'iq'i and had him beaten 
nine blows with a stick but then restored him to favor and sent him 
once again at the head of the army; he is still there now in charge of 
that frontier. As for Qaban, the elder brother of Chiibei, he had died 
some while before this battle. 

It is well known that the countries of Turkistan were first laid waste 
by Alghu and afterward by Qaban, Chiibei, Baraq, and Bayan, the 
son of Qonichi, who were princes of the right hand. Qaban and Chiibei 
were at first with Qaidu but afterward submitted to the Qa’an. 

who has been given the title of Bayan Finjan 

One of the grandsons of the late Saiyid Ajall was called Abu Bakr. 
The Qa’an gave him the title of Bayan Finjan, made him the ndker of 
Oljei, and conferred on him the office of finjan, that is, sahib-divan. He 
was vizier for 2 years during the reign of the Qa’an, during which time 
informers arose against him from the Qa’an’s Divans and stated that 
he had wasted 600 tiimens of balish. The Qa’an called him to reckoning, 
and he replied: “I left this amount [of tax] with the people, because 
for 3 years there had been a drought and no crops had come up, and 
the people had grown poor. Now, if the Qa’an so command, I will 
sell their wives and children and deliver the money to the treasury; 
but the country will be ruined.” The Qa’an was pleased with his 
compassion for the people and said: “All the [other] ministers and 
emirs are concerned for themselves [only], but Bayan Finjan is con- 
cerned for the realm and the people.” He showed him great favor, 



had him dressed in jewel-studded clothing, and entrusted all affairs 
to him. 

That very day Kokejin, the mother of Temur Qa’an, sent for him 
and said: “Since thou hast found such favor and the Qa’an has 
settled the affairs of the realm upon thee, go and ask this question: 
‘ Nine years have passed since Jim-Gim’s throne was sealed : what is 
thy command concerning it?”’ (At this time Temur Qa’an had set 
off on a campaign against Qaidu and Du’a.) Bayan Finjan reported 
these words, and the Qa’an, from excess of joy, sprang up from his 
sick bed, summoned the emirs, and said: “You said that this Sarta , ul Z3Z 
was a wicked man, and yet it was he in his compassion who spoke for 
the people, it is he who speaks for the throne and the succession, and 
is he who concerns himself about my children, lest strife and discord 
should arise amongst them after my death.” And again he showed 
favor to Bayan Finjan and called him by the great name of his grand- 
father, the Saiyid Ajall. He gave robes of honor, yarlighs, and paizas 
both to him and to his seven brothers, who were all present, and he 
said: “Set out this very instant after my grandson Temiir, who has 
left with the army proceeding against Qaidu. Bring him back, set 
him upon his father’s throne as Qa’an, hold a feast for 3 days, and 
settle the succession upon him so that after the 3 days have passed he 
may set out and rejoin the army.” In accordance with the Qa’an’s 
command, the Saiyid Ajall went and fetched Temiir Qa’an back and 
set him on Jim-Gim’s throne in the town of Kemin-Fu. After 3 days 
he set out for the army and the Saiyid Ajall returned to the Qa’an. 

Temiir Qa’an was extremely fond of wine. However much the Qa’an 
advised and rebuked him, it was of no avail. He even on three occasions 
beat him with a stick, and he set several guards over him to keep him 
from drinking wine. Now in attendance on him was a danishmand 233 
from Bukhara with the title of Radi, who laid claim to a knowledge of 
alchemy, magic, and talismans and by sleight of hand and deceit had 
endeared himself to Temiir Qa’an. He used to drink wine with him in 
secret, and the Qa’an was annoyed with him on this account, but 
despite all the efforts to remove him from Temiir Qa’an’s service it 
proved impossible, for he was a sociable man and pleasant of speech. 
When the keepers and guards forbade the drinking of wine, Radi 

232 That is, Muslim. 233 See Glossary. 



suggested to him that they should go to the bath and tell the bath- 
attendant secretly to pour wine instead of water into the conduit, so that 
it passed through the pipe into the basin of the bath, where they used 
to drink it. The keziktens learnt of this and reported it to the Qa’an. He 
ordered Radi to be separated from him by force and sent upon some pre- 
text to the town of ; 234 and he was secretly put to death en route. 

Now that he has become Qa’an, Temur Qa’an has abandoned 
[drink] of his own accord and drinks seldom and little. God Almighty, 
when he became a great lord, removed the love of wine from his 
heart, whereas Qubilai had been unable to prevent his drinking either 
by pleas or by compulsion. Despite his youth — and he is only twenty- 
five years old — his august feet are always in pain, and he used to sit in 
a palanquin on an elephant, but now does so less often because of 
suspicions and rumors amongst the people. 

in attendance on the Qa’an; the authority they enjoy 

At the end of Qubilai Qa’an’s reign, there were two Tibetan bakhshis , 
one called Tanba and the other Kanba. The two front teeth of Tanba 
Bakhshi were exceedingly long, so that his lips would not close. They 
used to sit in the Qa’an’s private temple, which, the Nangiyas call 

• . 236 They were related to each other and were of great authority 

and importance in the Qa’an’s eyes. They were descended from the 
rulers of Tibet, and although there have been and are many Khitayan 
and Indian bakhshis , the Tibetans enjoy the greatest authority. There is 
also another bakhshi, a Kashmiri, called Qarantas Bakhshi. He too 
is a person of authority. Temur Qa’an also continues to believe in them, 
and those two bakhshis are all powerful. They have made their ndkers, 
who have a knowledge of medicine, attendants on the Qa’an in order to 
prevent Temur Qa’an from taking too much food or drink. They have 
two sticks bound together, and when the occasion arises they beat 
them on themselves, and the sticks produce a noise, whereupon Temur 
Qa’an takes warning and reduces his eating and drinking. Great auth- 

234 Blank in the mss. 235 See Glossary. 

236 Blank in the mss. 



ority is attached to their words, and we shall, if God the One and 
Mighty so wills, adjoin to the history of Temur Qa’an one of the stories 
illustrating the authority enjoyed by Tanba Bakhshi. 


After reigning for 35 years and having reached the age of eighty- 
three, Qubilai Qa’an passed away in the morinyil, that is, the Year of 
the Horse, corresponding to the year 693/ 1293-1294, 237 and left this 
transient world to his grandson, the Qa’an of the Age, the Illustrious 
Monarch, Temur Qa’an. May God grant many years of happiness and 
good fortune to his noble uruq and in particular to the Emperor of 
Islam, the Supreme Sultan Ghiyath al-Dunya wa’l-Din Oljeitii 
Muhammad ( may God cause him to reign forever!) 23 * 

sultans, maliks, and atabegs of Persia, Syria, Egypt, the Maghrib, etc., 
who were contemporary with Qubilai Qa’an from the beginning of the 
bichinyil, the Year of the Monkey, corresponding to the year 658/1259- 
1260 , 239 to the end of the morinyil, the Year of the Horse, corresponding 
to the year 693/1293-1294; 240 history of the strange and unusual occur- 
rences that happened during this period — briefly and succinctly related 

History of the rulers of Machin during this period 

Lizun, 41 years, then 26 years past 15 years. 241 

Tuzon, 242 10 years, and after the said Tuzon a man called Shuju 243 
became ruler of that kingdom. When 2 years of his reign had passed, 
the army of Qubilai Qa’an seized the whole of that kingdom. 

237 Actually 1294. Born on the 23rd September, 1215, Qubilai, at the time of his 
death on the 18th February, 1294, was * n h* s eightieth (not his eighty-fourth) year. 
Rashid al-Din is more correct about the length of his reign — 35 lunar years. 

738 The mention of Ghazan’s brother and successor, Oljeitii (1304-1316), shows 
that this part of the work was written during his reign. 

239 Actually 1260. 240 Actually 1264. 

241 Li-tsung reigned from 1224 to 1264, that is, approximately 41 lunar years. 
The meaning of the other figures, which add up to the years of his reign, is not clear. 

242 Tu-tsung (1264-1274). 

243 Tu-tsung was succeeded by his four-year-old son Hsien, usually referred to as 



History of the sultans , atabegs, and maliks 

In Rum, ‘Izz al-Din Kai-Ka’us, the son of Sultan Ghiyath al-Din 
Kai-Khusrau, was Sultan. He was defeated at Kose-Dagh 244 by a 
Mongol army commanded by Baiju Noyan. He ruled jointly with his 
brother Rukn al-Din. Mu‘in al-Din Parvana was the administrator of 
Rukn al-Din’s kingdom and had brought him up. A dispute arose 
between them, and Sultan ‘Izz al-Din ceded his Sultanate to his 
brother, made for the region of Niqiya , 245 and went from thence to the 
takfuf 246 of Constantinople . 247 When Berke’s army came to Constanti- 
nople, [‘Izz al-Din] was taken to Berke and given the sultanate of the 
town of Qjrim, where he died . 248 His brother, Rukn al-Din, was 
martyred by the infidels , 249 and his son, Ghiyath al-Din Kai-Khusrau 
ibn Qilij-Arslan, succeeded to the Sultanate. He was martyred 250 in 
Arzinjan, and the Sultanate was settled upon Ghiyath al-Din Mas- 
‘ud ibn Kai-Ka’us, who is Sultan now . 251 

In Diyar Bakr and Mosul, Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ was Sultan . 25Z 

In Egypt and Syria, a Turcoman 255 had conquered Egypt and had 

Ying-kuo kung. See Franke, IV, p. 336, V, pp. 176-77. Shuju (Verkhovsky has 
Shundzhou) is perhaps some kind of nickname. 

244 The Battle of Kose-Dagh was fought on the 26th June or the 1st July, 1243, 
the Battle of Aksaray (with which Rashid al-Din evidently confuses it) on the 14th 
October, 1256. See Duda, pp. 227 and 335. Even the latter battle ought, of course, to 
have been mentioned under Mongke’s reign. Rashid al-Din repeats his mistake 
elsewhere (Arends, p. 31), representing the Battle of Kose-Dagh as having taken 
place after Baiju’s interview with Hiilegii at Hamadan in the late spring or early 
summer of 1257. 

245 Nicaea, now Iznik. 

246 A title, apparently derived from the Armenian t‘agawor, “king,” applied by 
Muslim writers to the Byzantine Emperors. 

247 ‘Izz al-Din sought refuge with the Emperor Michael Palaeologus in April 1261. 
See Spuler 1939, p. 54. 

248 In 1278 or 1279. See Spuler 1939, p. 54, and Duda, pp. 284-85 and 322. 

249 He was murdered by his minister Mu‘in al-Din Parvana in 1267 or 1268; 
whether this was on the orders of the U-Khan Abaqa is not quite certain. See Spuler 
1939 = PP- 54 - 55 - 

250 Murdered in 1282 or 1283 or later with the connivance of the then II- Khan. 
See Spuler 1939, p. 84. 

251 The last of the Seljuqs, he died in 1304 or 1305. 

252 Blank in all the mss. 

253 Mu‘izz ‘Izz al-Din Ai-Beg, on whom see above, p. 234 and note 161, must be 



had several disputes with the Lord of Aleppo and Damascus, but in the 
end they had made peace. Quduz rose in rebellion against the Turco- 
man, killed him, and made himself master of Egypt and Syria. 254 
After Hiilegii Khan had captured Aleppo and Damascus and turned 
back, Quduz together with the emirs of Syria and Egypt and the khans 
of Khwarazm, who were the remnants of Sultan Jalal al-Din’ s army, 
fought a battle with Ket-Buqa Noyan. 255 Malik Nasir Salah al-Din 
Yusuf was the Lord of Syria: he had gone to Hiilegii Khan and had 
been put to death on the plain of Mush. 256 When Quduz returned after 
the battle with Ket-Buqa, he was put to death by Bunduq-Dar, 257 
who seized the throne. Bunduq-Dar died after returning from Rum, 
where he had fought a battle 258 with Toqu and Toden. Alfl 259 became 
the ruler, and after Alfi’s death his son Ashraf 260 succeeded his father. 

In Kirman, Qutb al-Din was Sultan. When he died he left two 
sons: Muzaffar al-Din Hajjaj and Jalal al-Din Soyurghatmish. Sultan 
Hajjaj was nominally the Sultan, but the real power was in the hands 
of Terken Khatun. Since Terken’s daughter, Padshah Khatun, had 
been given in marriage to Abaqa Khan, she used to go to Court every 
2 or 3 years and to return loaded with honors. On one occasion she 
went thither and when she returned Sultan Hajjaj had gone out to 
welcome her, but before they met he became alarmed, went back to 
Kirman and made his way to India, where he sought refuge with 
Sultan Shams al-Din of Delhi. He remained there nearly 15 years and 
finally died there. Terken Khatun was extremely just, and the affairs 
of the kingdom of Kirman were kept in perfect order by her justice 

254 It was not Quduz (Muzaffar Saif al-Din Qutuz) but Ai-Beg’s own wife, Queen 
Shajar al-Durr, the first of the Marnluk rulers, who was responsible for his death. 
See Lane-Poole, p. 260. 

255 This was the famous Battle of ‘Ain Jalut, in which the Mongol invaders of 
Syria were decisively defeated. See CHI, pp. 251-52. 

256 See CHI, p. 352. 

257 On Zahir Rukn al-Din Bai-Bars al-Bunduqdari al-Salihi (1260-1277), see 
Lane-Poole, pp. 262 fF. He is the Bondocdaire of Marco Polo. 

258 The Battle of Abulustan, fought on the 15th April, 1277, on which see CHI, p. 

259 On Mansur Saif al-Din Q'ila’un al-Alfi al-Salihi (1279-1290), see I.ane-Poole, 
pp. 278-84. 

260 Ashraf Salah al-Din Khalil (1290-1293), the conqueror of Acre. See Lane- 
Poole, pp. 284-88. 



and equity. During the reign of Sultan Ahmad, she came to the ordo 
and died near Tabriz . 261 Her body was brought back to Kirman, and 
the Sultanate was entrusted to Jalal al-Dln Soyurghatm'ish. It is true 
to say that he was a very intelligent and perfect ruler. During the 
reign of Geikhatu Khan , 262 Padshah Khatun, who was his wife, came to 
Kirman, seized her brother Soyurghatm'ish, and imprisoned him in a 
castle. He escaped from the castle, betook himself secretly to Geikhatu 
and asked for asylum. Geikhatu sent him to Padshah Khatun, who 
held him in custody for several days and then put him to death . 263 
When Baidu , 264 who was married to Soyurghatmish’s daughter 
Shah ‘Alam, rose in rebellion, they sent a messenger, and Kurdiinjin, 
the daughter of Prince Mongke-Temiir, who was the wife of Soyurghat- 
mi'sh, seized Padshah Khatun and was bringing her to the ordo. Between 
Shiraz and Isfahan she was put to death as an act of vengeance . 265 
And God knows best what is right. 

History of the maliks and atabegs 

In Mazandaran . z66 

In the Maghrib — -. 267 

In Fars, Muzaffar al-Din Abu Bakr was atabeg. When he died, his 
son the atabeg Sa‘d had been to Court and was returning in poor 
health. The news of his father’s death reached him in Turaqu , 268 a 
dependency of Parahan. He too died 12 days 269 later. When the news 
of his death was brought to Shiraz, his twelve year-old son, the atabeg 
Muhammad, was set on the throne and called Sultan ‘Adud al-Din, 
the affairs of the kingdom being administered by his mother, Terken 
Khatun, the daughter of the atabeg Qutb al-Din Mahmud Shah. 

261 In June or July, 1282. See Spuler 1939, p. 154. 

262 1291-1295. 

263 On the 2 1 st August, 1294. See Spuler 1939, p. 154. 

264 Geikhatu’s successor as Il-Khan, whose short reign (April-October, 1295) is not 
recognized by Rashid al-Din. 

265 In June or July, 1295. See Spuler 1939, p. 154. 

266 Blank in all the mss. 267 Blank in all the mss. 

268 Perhaps identical with the Saruk mentioned by le Strange, p. 198, as a town in 
the district of Farahan (Parahan) between Hamadan and Burujird. 

269 Or 18 days. See Spuler 1939, p. 142. 



That son too died shortly afterward 270 and his mother became ruler. 
Muhammad Shah, the nephew of the atabeg Abu Bakr, who had 
married [Terken Khatun’s] daughter, Salghum, picked a quarrel with 
his mother-in-law, and, in the end, he was put to death . 271 Terken 
Khatun had betrothed her youngest daughter, Abish Khatun, to 
Prince Mongke-Temur. 

Terken Khatun now became the wife of Saljuq-Shah, who after a 
time put her to death and imprisoned her two daughters in the 
Qal‘a -yi Sapid. This was reported to Court, and the Emir Altachu 
was sent at the head of an army to proceed [to Fars] and seize Saljuq- 
Shah, with the assistance of Rukn al-Din ‘Ala al-Daula of Yezd, who 
was the brother of Terken Khatun, the maliks of Shabankara , 272 
and the Tazik cherig of that country. When the army reached Abarquh, 
they were met by six thousand Shirazi horsemen. ‘Ala al-Daula attacked 
them with five hundred horsemen and drove them back to the gates of 
Shiraz. Saljuq-Shah took refuge in Kazarun. The army proceeded 
thither and fought a battle. They captured the town, looting and 
massacring; and Saljuq-Shah was dragged out and killed, and his 
head was sent to Shiraz. The atabeg ‘Ala al-Daula received a wound 
there and died several days later. The daughters were taken out of the 
castle and brought to Court by their grandmother, Yaqut Terken, 
who was the daughter of Qutlugh-Sultan Baraq Hajib, the ruler of 
Kirman. Abish Khatun was given in marriage to Prince Mongke- 
Temiir, and she was in effect the atabeg of Shiraz. The other sister, 
BibI Salghum, was given in marriage to the atabeg Yusuf-Shah of 
Yezd, who was her cousin. Abish Khatun died 273 during the reign of 
Arghun Khan. Her body was taken to Shiraz and buried in the Mad- 
rasa-yi ‘Adudiya, which her mother had built in honor of the afore- 
mentioned ‘Adud al-Din Muhammad. Princess Kurdiinjin became her 
heir, and although the office of malik of Shiraz is now performed by 
ortaqs and merchants, the drums are still beaten at the gates of the 
atabegs ’ palace and the Great Divan is still held there. 

270 In October or November, 1262. See Spuler 1939, p. 143. 

271 As a reprisal for Saljuq-Shah’s revolt. See Spuler 1939, p. 144. 

272 The easternmost part of Fars, which under the Mongols was treated as a separate 
province: it is Polo’s Soncara, the seventh of the “eight kingdoms” of Persia. 

273 In 1286 or 1287. See Spuler 1939, p. 145. 



In Slstan, Malik Shams al-DIn Muhammad Kart had, in accordance 
with a yarligh of Mongke Qa’an, put to death Malik Shams al-Din 
of Slstan and become ruler [of the country]. Subsequently, Malik 
Nusrat al-Din, 274 the nephew of the deceased malik, brought a messenger 
from Hiilegii Khan, recovered Slstan from Shams al-Din Kart, and 
took possession of that country, of which he is still the ruler and malik. 

History of the strange and unusual occurrences that happened 

during this period 

In the year 659/1260-1261, Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ died in Mosul. 

On the 17th Rajab of the year 644 [5th May, 1266] there died 
Mu’aiyid al-Daula ‘Urdi, 275 who was a learned philosopher and with- 
out a peer in the mathematical sciences. 

During the morning of the igth of Safar of the year 699 [8th Septem- 
ber, 1270] there was an earthquake of such violence that it was thought 
that stone would not remain upon stone in the mountains and that 
every clod of earth on the plains would be scattered in the atmosphere. 

In the heart of winter in the year 671/1272-1273, there occurred a 
great earthquake in the capital city of Tabriz such that there were 
tremors every hour for a space of 1 5 days. 

On Monday the 17th Dhul-Hijja of the year 672 [25th June, 1274] 
the death of Khwaja Nasir 276 took place in Baghdad, at sunset. In his 
will he had asked to be buried in the shrine of Musa and Jawad. 277 
A vacant place was found at the foot of Musa’s grave and [the earth] 
dug up. There was revealed a ready-made grave complete with tiles. 
Inquiries having been made, [it was ascertained that] the Caliph al- 

274 Or Nasir al-Din. See Spuler 1939, pp. 1 19 and 157. 

275 On this famous scientist, one of Nasir al-Din Tusi’s collaborators, see Sarton, 
Introduction to the History of Science, Vol . 1 1 , Part II, pp. ioi3-ioi4.His description of the 
instruments in the Maragha observatory is available in the translations of J. Jourdain 
(Paris, 1809) and H. J. Seeman (Erlangen, 1928). 

276 That is, Nasir al-Din Tusi. On his scientific work at Maragha, see now CHI, 
pp. 668 ff. 

277 The famous Shrine of the Two Kazims (Kazimain), so called after the two 
Shi'a Imams whom he buried there: Musa, grandson of the grandson of Husain, 
the son of the Caliph ‘All, and Musa’s grandson, Muhammad al-Jawad. They were, 
respectively, the seventh and ninth Imams, Musa having been put to death by Harun 
al-Rashid in 802, while Muhammad died, of poison, it is said, in 834 during the reign 
of Mu'tasim. See Baghdad, pp. 160-61. 



Nasir li-DIn Allah 278 had had it dug for his own resting-place and that 
his son, Zahir, 279 acting contrary to the terms of his will, had buried 
him in Rusafa 280 amongst his forefathers. Now it is one of the marvels 
of Time that the birth of Khwaja Nasir took place on the very day on 
which this chamber was completed, Saturday, the nth Jumada I, 
597 [18th February, 1201]. He lived for 77 years, 7 months and 7 days. 

On the 25th Dhul-Hijja, 673 [22nd June, 1275] Arghun Aqa 281 
died in the meadows of Radkan, near Tus. 

278 1180-1225. 279 1225-1226. 

280 On the tombs of the Caliphs in Rusafa in eastern Baghdad, see Baghdad, pp. 
I 93 _ 94- 281 See above, pp. 230-31. 





His praiseworthy character 
and the excellent biligs, edicts, and parables 
which he uttered and proclaimed; 
such events as occurred during his reign but have not 
been included in the two previous parts, 
having been ascertained at irregular intervals 
from various books and persons 

after his death ; how the Qa’an divided his ordos amongst his children ; 
of the emirs of Melik-Temiir 

When, after the extinction of the flames of revolt, Ariq Boke had 
gone to his brother Qubilai Qa’an and had stood in the attitude of 
seeking forgiveness and making apologies, he had brought all his 
wives with him but had left his four sons, Yobuqur, Melik-Temiir, 
Naira’ u-Buqa, and Tamachi, in hisywrt. His summer residence was in 

the Altai and his winter quarters on the Oriinge 283 and , 284 

the distance between the two places being a journey of 2 or 3 days. 
Sorqoqtani Beki was there. 

Ariq Boke was a month and 6 days with the Qa’an and then died. 
His body was taken to Buda-Ondiir, 28s which is the great ghoruq of 
Chingiz-Khan near the River Selenge. 286 Sorqoqtani Beki and the 

282 This section is absent from all the mss. 

283 The modern Urungu, the Urunggii of SH, §§158 and 1 77. See Polo I, p. 342. 

284 Both Blochet and Verkhovsky have Qlrq'iz (Kirghiz), which, as Pelliot ( Polo I 
p. 342) remarks, “seems improbable here.” 

285 “Buddha Height.” See above, p. 228 and note 128. 

286 Pelliot (Polo I, p. 342) points out that if Buda-Ondiir and Burqan-Qaldun 
are identical, the mention of the Selenga, which is in a quite different region, is “a 
bad slip ” on the part of Rashid al-Din. 

3 ro 


other princes and princesses are all buried there except Qubilai 

Of Arlq Boke’s wives, one was El-Chiqm'ish of the Oirat people. 
The second was Qutuqta Khatun of the Kuchugiir people, who are a 
group of the Naiman. 287 By her he had two daughters. The elder was 
Chaluqan Aqa, who was given in marriage to Nayanqa Kiiregen of 
the Baya’ut. The daughter of this Chaluqan is married to Melik- 
Temiir, and her name is Negiider. She lives in th eyurt and residence of 
Sorqoqtani Beki. He has another daughter by her, called Qamtai, 
who is not yet married. The other daughter [of Qutuqta Noyan] is 
called Nomoghan; she was given in marriage to Choban Kiiregen of the 
Oirat. The third wife was Qutlu Khatun of the Qonqirat people. She 
too lives in th eyurt of Sorqoqtani Beki and has no children. 

He had a concubine called Iraghui of the Barulas people, the sister 
of Qadan, who came to these parts as ambassador. By this concubine he 
had a son called Nairaqu-Buqa. He had another concubine who is 
still alive, called Eshitei, of the Qonqirat tribe. She was in the ordo 
of Qutuqta Khatun; he had a son by her called Tamachi. 

When Arlq Boke died, his wives went back to their yurts. Three 
years later the Qa’an commanded: “Let the sons of Arlq Boke come 
and see me.” When they were honored with an audience he said: 
“Let the great yurt, in which Yesiider Khatun lived, be administered 
by Yobuqur, and let Yobuqur marry Yesiider.” They lived together 
for 3 years, but she bore no children and died. In her place he married 

288 Khatun of the Ushin, by whom he had two sons : Oljei-Temur 

and Hulachu. Hulachu is in attendance on his father in Ariqan- 

Chaidan, 289 which belongs to , 290 while Oljei-Temur is in 

attendance on Temur Qa’an. He has another son, older than these 
two, by Chalun Khatun of the Qaranut, who are a branch of the 
Qonqirat and Qorulas. He has yet another son, called Odege, by 
Oghul-Tegin of the Naiman, a niece of Kushliig Khan. 291 

287 The Kiichiigur were the dominant Naiman clan at the time of the campaigns of 
Genghis Khan. S eeCampagnes, pp. 306-307. 

288 AZTHMH, in which Blochet, pp. 564-65, note i, sees a Tibetan name. 

289 Unidentified. The second element seems to be Mo. chaidam, “salt marsh.” 

29 ° 2 "SKY. Cf. the corrupt place-names above, p. 209 and note 51 and p. 253 and 
note 43. 

291 That is, Kiichliig, the Naiman prince who seized the Q_ara-Khitai throne. 
See Conquerant, pp. 262-66. 

3 11 


He had also one of Tolui’s wives, called Nayan Khatun, of the 
Qonq'irat people, and that yurt had been transmitted by [Sorqoqtani 
Beki] to Ariq Boke. When Qutui Khatun 292 came to these parts , 293 
she left Jumqur and Taraqai in that ordo. None of Hiilegii’s people 
being left there, they said: “How can we leave such an ordo empty?” 
And they placed Oghul-Tegin Khatun there. At the present time that 
ordo belongs to Odege, who is now eighteen years old: he is in atten- 
dance on Melik-Temur and has a wife called Baiqa, the daughter of 
Ja’utu Noyan of the Siildus people, a grandson of Sodun Noyan. 

Ariq Boke’s second son was ordered by the Qa’an to administer the 
ordo of Lingqun Khatun , 294 the daughter of Kiishliig Khan, a wise and 
able woman, who was the mother of Prince Qutuqtu. Qutuqtu had a 
son, called Tiikel-Buqa, by a concubine, called Buta Egechi , 295 of the 
Qipchaq people. This Tiikel-Buqa died upon reaching puberty. 
[Qutuqtu] also had two daughters. His elder daughter, Kelmish 
Aqa, was given in marriage to Salji’utai Kiiregen of the Qonq'irat 
people. His younger daughter, Shirin Aqa, born of Qunduz Egechi 
of the Baya’ut people, was married to Tuqchi Kiiregen of the Ushin 
people. When Lingqun Khatun died, she left a daughter, called El- 
Temiir, who was married to Bars-Buqa Kiiregen. In place of her, 
Melik-Temur married the daughter of Taran Noyan, the grandson 
of Olduqur Noyan of the Jalayir, called Gilte Khatun, and placed 
her in this great yurt. Thatjywri had fallen to the lot of Hiilegii Khan, 
but on account of the distance and the absence of members of his 
uruq Melik-Temur has taken possession of it. By this Gilte he has no 
children. He has also another wife called Tore , 296 the daughter of 
Shiregi of the Dorbet, one of the great emirs of the jasa'ul , 297 By her 
he has two sons : one called Oiratai, who is in attendance on his father, 

292 The wife of Hiilegii and the mother of the Il-Khan Tegiider (Ahmad). 

293 That is, Persia, where she arrived during the reign of Abaqa. See Arends, 
pp. 69-70. 

294 Or Linqum Khatun. She was one of Tolui’s widows. See above, p. 160. On 
her name, derived from a Chinese title, see Campagnes, p. 221; also Doerfer, I, No. 
359 (PP- 493 - 94 )- 

295 Verkhovsky has Tuba-Ikachi. The Mongol word egechi, “elder sister,” is used 
here in the sense of “ concubine.” See Doerfer, I, No. 67 (p. 101). Cf. immediately 
below, Qunduz Egechi. 

296 Verkhovsky has Bura, that is. Bora. 

297 Apparently to be understood as a plural: the yasaul (of which jasa’ul is a variant 
form) was, in Timurid times, an officer concerned with discipline and the enforcement 



and the other Mahmud, also there. By her he also has two daughters: 
one called Emegen, who is married to Toq-Temiir Kiiregen, the 
grandson of Bars-Buqa of the Oirat, who is grandson of Torelchi 
Kiiregen; and the other called Il-Qutluq, who is married to the son of 
Kobek of the Siildiis people, who is in command of the emirs under 
Du’a and is stationed on this side of the Oxus. Melik-Temur also has a 

concubine called Tuqluq-Oljei, the daughter of Baighara of , 298 

the commander of a hundred. Melik-Temiir’s sons are as follows: 
Mingqan, Ajiqi', Yesiin-To’a, and Baritai, [all] by Emegen Khatun, 
the daughter of Bars-Buqa of the Oirat people. 

As for the ordo of El-Chiqmish Khatun of the Oirat people, the senior 
wife of Ariq Boke, Qubilai Qa’an gave it to his son Nairaqu-Buqa, 
who, at the time of Ar'iq Boke’s death, made an attempt on his life ; he 
was prevented and [afterward] died of grief. In this yurt he had a 
daughter called Ashi'qtai. Afterward, when he went to the Qa’an, he 
left that yurt to Melik-Temur; it is now held by Ajiqi, the son of 

To Tamachi the Qa’an gave the yurt of Qutuqta Khatun, but she 
died before they came together. In place of her [Tomachi] married 
Er-Tegin, the daughter of Sorqadu Ba’urchi of the Naiman, the 
nephew of Sartaq and Burunduq, who are resident in these parts. 
And when he took this wife with him to the Qa’an, that yurt was left 

Nairaqu-Buqa has five sons, as follows : Qurbaqa, Bachin, Samghar, 
Bayan Ebiigen, and Ara-Temiir. Ara-Temiir’s mother is Ujin Egechi 
of the Olqunut, and the mother of the other four is Ashi'qtai Khatun 
of the Qpnq'irat, the niece of Chabui, the senior wife of Qubilai Qa’an. 

Tamachi has two sons: one called Bayan and the other Dorben. 

the son of Ariq Boke, who are now with Qaidu 

The first is the Emir Ja’utu of the Siildiis people, the grandson of 
Sodun Noyan, the son of Sunchaq Noyan, a commander of a tumen 

of nomad law. See Four Studies, II, 1 18 and 126, and, on the post at the Safavid Court, 
Minorsky 1943, p. 133. 

298 Xhe text has ANAQL 2 "Q_, which could be either Almaliq or Qayaliq. 



on the left hand. He has one son, called Qadan. He disposes of one 
guard and weapon, and has married the daughter of Mehk-Temur. 

Another is Qipchaq, the grandson of Menglik Echige of the Qong- 
qotan 299 people. His father, Kokechii, was the commander of a thou- 
sand and a chaqurchi 300 of the right hand. He disposes of one guard and 

Another is Alaqa, the commander of a thousand of the Qataqin , 301 
the son of Chilge Bahadur, who came to these parts. 

Another is Jangqii Kiiregen of the Jalayir, the commander of a 
thousand. This thousand was previously under a commander called 
Oqai, who with a thousand-unit of Oirats used, in accordance with a 
yarligh, to guard Buda-Ondiir , 302 which is the great ghoruq, where the 
bones of the princes are laid to rest. When the princes who accom- 
panied Nomoghan rebelled and the armies joined battle, most of this 
thousand joined Qaidu’s army, where some of them remained; the 
unit now belongs to the sons of Oqai. 

Another is Kereidei, the senior bitikchi, of the Siildiis people. 

Another is Kehetei, the foster-brother of Melik-Temur, also of the 
Siildiis. He is responsible for the business of the ordo, such as [the 
provision of] food, etc. 

Another is Qadaqa of the Merkit, who is a great emir and in com- 
mand of the buke'uls : the affairs of the cherig are in his hands. 

Another is Saqtai of the Qongqotan, commander of the kezik. 

Another is Batuqa, the son of Qutuqu Noyan, the commander of a 

Another is Esen-Temiir Ba’urchi, the son ofTiimen Ba’urchi. 

Another is Besiitei Bahadur, the commander of the ordo. 

Another is Ariq Boke Noyan of the Naiman. 

Another is Cha’uldar, the son of Borghuchi Yarghuchi of the Arulat 

Another is Ebiigen, the son of Bughra Yarghuchi of the Jalayir. 

299 The Qongqotan were a branch of the Orona’ut, the Oronar of SH. See Campagnes, 
PP- 73 - 74 ' 

300 On the strength of a dubious etymology supplied by Blochet (p. 576, note i), 
Verkhovsky (p. 203) translates this word as “falconer.” It is perhaps a corruption of 
ghajarchi, “guide,” on which see Doerfer, I, No. 253 (pp. 376-77). 

301 On the Qataqin, see Campagnes, pp. 393-97. 

302 See above, p. 228 and note 1 28. 


Another is Toqan Akhtachi of the uruq of Jebe Noyan of the Besiit 

Another is Toghr'il, the son ofBurtaq, of the Siildus. 

Another is Qundaqai *Khizanechi , 303 the son of Abaqai, of the Qara- 

Another is Abishqa Shukiirchi of the Qorulat. 

Another is Maliki Tdechi , 304 of the Taziks. 

303 “The Treasurer.” 

304 “The Butler.” Or perhaps *E’udechi “the Doorkeeper.” 

Beginning of the History of 
Temur Qa’an, 

the Son of Jim-Gim, the Son of Qubilai Qa’an y 
the Son ofTolui Khan , the Son of Chingiz'Khan: 

History of Temur Qa’an, 

which History is in Three Parts 



History of Temur Qa’ an, which History is in Three Parts 

part i. Account of his august lineage, a detailed account of his 
wives and of the branches into which they have divided down to the 
present day ; his august portrait ; and a genealogical table of his children. 

part ii. The events preceding his august accession; a picture of 
the throne ; his wives and the princes and emirs on the occasion of his 
mounting the throne of the Khanate ; some events which have occurred 
from the commencement of his auspicious reign (may it be God- 
aided!) up to the present time; some of his wars and victories about 
which knowledge is available. 

part iii. His praiseworthy character and the parables, biligs , 
and edicts which he uttered and promulgated; some events which 
occurred during his reign but have not been included in the two previ- 
ous parts, having been ascertained at irregular intervals from various 
books and persons. 





Account of his lineage; 

a detailed account of his wives and the branches into which 
his sons have divided down to the present day; 
his august portrait ; 

and a genealogical table of his descendants 

Temur Qa’an, who is called Oljeitii Qa’an (may the shadow of his 
justice and equity extend for many years over the heads of all creation !), 
is the son of Jim-Gim, the son of Qubilai Qa’an, the son of Tolui Qa’an, 
the son of Chingiz-Khan. He was born of Jim-Gim’s senior wife. 
Kokejin, in the hiikeryil, that is, the Year of the Ox, corresponding to 
the year 663/ 1264-1 265. 1 There are many wives and concubines in his 
ordos, but on account of the great distance and the closure of the roads 
the names of all of them have not so far been ascertained. His senior 
wife is called Bulughan Khatun. She is of the Bay’aut bone, and by her 
he has a son called Tishi-Taishi. He has another son, called Maqa- 
balin, by another wife. 

The genealogical table of his sons and grandsons is as shown. 

1 Actually 1265. 





The events preceding his accession ; 
a picture of the throne , his wives, and the princes and emirs 
on the occasion of his mounting the throne of the Khanate; 
some events and occurrences which have happened 
from the commencement of his auspicious reign 
{may it he God-aided and everlasting !) 
up to the present time; 
his victories and wars 

as far as knowledge is available about them 


When Qubilai Qa’an passed away in the morinyil, that is, the Year 
of the Horse, corresponding to the year 693/ 1293-1294, 2 the senior 
wife of Jim-Gim, who was the mother of Temur Qa’an, despatched 
Bayan that very same day along with the great emirs in search of 
Temur Qa’an to inform him of the Qa’an’s death and bring him back 
so that he might sit on the throne of Empire. For the space of a year 
before his return, Kokejin administered the affairs and business 
of the realm. Upon his auspicious arrival a great quriltai was held, which 
was attended by his uncles Kokochii and Toghan; his brothers Kamala 
and Yesun-Temur; his cousin Ananda Oghul, the son of Mangqala; 
the sons of Oqruqchl, Temiir-Buqa and Ejil-Buqa; the great emirs, 
such as Bayan Chingsang, Uchachar Noyan, Toqtaq, Oliig, Oljei 
Chingsang, Altun Chingsang, Dashman Aqa, Jirqalan, Naliqu, 
Ambai of the Tangqut, Badraqa of the uruq of Eshige, Qutuqu 
Chingsang of the Tatar people, and Arqasun Tarkhan Chingsang 
of the uruq of Badai; 3 princesses, such as Nambui Khatun and her 

2 Actually 1 294. 

3 Badai was one of the two herdsmen who warned Genghis Khan of Ong-Khan’s 



daughter Bekchin Khatun, Manzitai and Kokejin Khatun; and other 
princes, emirs, and princesses, such that it would be impossible to 
enumerate them all. 

There was a dispute about the throne and the succession between 
Temur Qa’an and his brother Kamala. Kokejin Khatun, who was an 
extremely intelligent and able woman, said to them: “Chechen- 
Qa’an 4 (that is, Qubilai Qa’an) said that whoever knew the biligs 
of Chingiz-Khan best should ascend the throne. Now, therefore, let 
each of you recite his biligs so that the great men who are present may 
see which knows them better.” Being extremely eloquent and [a good] 
reciter, Temur Qa’an declaimed the biligs well and with a pure 
accent, while Kamala, having something of a stammer and not being 
so well gifted in this respect, was unable to match him in the contest. 
All cried out with one voice: “Temur Qa’an knows them better and 
recites them better also. It is he that is worthy of crown and throne .” 5 

And in the town of Kemin-Fu in the y'il, corresponding to the 

year , 6 he was seated, auspiciously and under a favorable 

horoscope, upon the throne of the Khanate, and the customs and 
practices that are usual with them were duly performed, as here shown. 


the realm 

When they had done with feasting and merrymaking and had 
observed all the usages of congratulation, the Qa’an turned the face of 
his august counsel toward organizing the affairs of army and state : he 
assigned princes and emirs to the various provinces and regions and 
appointed the viziers and officials of the Divans. 

To his elder brother Kamala he gave a full share of the property 

intended treachery and as a reward received the hereditary title of tarkhan. See HWC, 
pp. 36-38, and Conquerant, pp. 155—56. 

4 “The Wise Khan,” apparently a posthumous title. See above, p. 159 and note 2. 
On chechen, a variant form of sechen, “wise,” see Doerfer, I, No. 207 (pp. 332-34). 

5 The Tuan shih makes no mention of this dispute but represents Kamala as standing 
down in favor of Temiir on the ground of having been charged by Qubilai with the 
defense of the northern frontiers. See Franke, IV, p.491. 

6 The blanks are in all the mss. In fact, Temiir ascended the throne in the year of his 
grandfather’s death, the Year of the Horse corresponding to 1 294. 



inherited from their father, and he sent him to Qara-Qorum, which is 
the region of Xhz yurts and ordos of Chingiz-Khan. He placed the armies 
of that region under his command, and he administers all the countries 
of Qara-Qorum, the Chinas , 7 the Shiba’uchi , 8 the Onan and Keluren, 
the Kem-Kemchi’ut , 9 the Selenge and Qayaliiq as far as the region of 
the Qi'rqiz, and the great ghoruq of Chingiz-Khan, which they call 
Burqan-Qaldun and where the great ordos of Chingiz-Khan are still 
situated. These latter are guarded by Kamala. There are four great 
ordos and five others there, nine in all, and no one is admitted to them. 
They have made portraits of them there and constantly burn perfumes 
and incense . 10 Kamala too has built himself a temple there. 

Prince Ananda was sent by the Qa’an to the country of theTangqut 
at the head of his army and ulus. Prince Kokochu and Korgiiz, who is 
the Qa’an’s son-in-law, were sent to the frontier with Qaidu and Du’a. 
He dispatched Toghan with an army to Manzi to guard that country. 
The Emir Ajiqi he sent at the head of an army to the frontier at 
Qara-Qocha . 11 He retained Bayan Finjan in the office of sahib-divan; 
and since the title of Saiyid Ajall was highly thought of by the Tazlks, 
and since the Mongols too had observed that the grand vizier was 
called by that title and it was in consequence the highest of names 
and titles in their eyes also, therefore the Qa’an, in order to increase 
his importance and authority, called him Saiyid Ajall. Today he is an 
extremely great and powerful vizier and dispenses the business of the 
Great Divan and administers the affairs of the Empire together with 
Oljei-Tarkhan, Teke Finjan, Toina, ‘Abdallah Finjan, the Emir 
Khwaja Sami, Qutb al-Din Samjing, and Mas'ud Lanjun. 

7 On the tribe known as the Chinas (“Wolves”), see Campagnes, pp. 131-35. 

8 Presumably “the country of the falconers” (Mo. sibaghuchi), a reference perhaps 

to a northern area from which the Mongol Emperors obtained their gerfalcons. See 
Polo I, pp. 78-79. 9 See above, p. 214 and note 69. 

10 Presumably this is the passage which Barthold had in mind when he quotes 
Rashid al-Din as speaking of “stone statues ( kamennyya baby) erected at the tombs of 
Chingiz-khan and of the lineage of Tolui, in front of which sweet-smelling substances 
were constantly burnt.” See Polo I, p. 349. In point of fact, as Pelliot remarks ( Polo I, 
p. 350), “the ‘portraits’ must have been the images which are often mentioned by 
mediaeval travellers and by Chinese sources; at first they hung in the tents of the 
ordos; at a later period of the Mongol dynasty, when Chinese influences became 
predominant, these portraits, woven with brocade, were placed in various temples 
in or near the capital . . . .” 

11 The Qara-Khocho of above, pp. 94 and 286. 



Mangqala, the son of Qubilai Qa’an, who is ruler of the Tangqut 
country and has become a Muslim ; an account of some of the circum- 
stances in that country and a description of his kingdom 

Prince Ananda is the son of Mangqala, the third son of Qubilai 
Qa’an and the elder brother of Nomoghan. (It was this latter who was 
betrayed by the princes who accompanied him on a campaign against 
Qaidu. They seized him and sent him to the uruq of Jochi, and when 
Tode-Mongke became the ruler of that ulus he sent him back to Qubilai 
Qa’an proffering excuses. He died shortly afterward.) Temur Qa’an 
bestowed upon Ananda the army which Qubilai Qa’an had given to 
Mangqala and the Tangqut country which belonged to him. Tangqut 
is a large kingdom of [great] length and breadth and in the Khitayan 
language is called Kho-Si, that is, the great river in the West : 12 it has 
received this name amongst them because the country is situated to the 
west of Khitai. The large towns there, which are the residences of their 
rulers, are as follows: Kinjanfu , 13 Qamjiu , 14 Irqai , 15 Khalajan 16 and 
Aq-Bali'q . 17 There are twenty-four large towns in that kingdom, and 
most of the inhabitants are Muslims, but the cultivators and peasants 
are idolaters. In appearance they resemble the Khitayans. Formerly 
they used to pay tribute to the rulers of Khitai, and their towns have 
been given Khitayan names, and their customs and practices, yasaq 
andyosun, are similar. 

Because Nomoghan left no issue, Ananda was confided to a Turkis- 
tanl Muslim called Mihtar Hasan Aqtachi to be brought up, and he was 
suckled by this man’s wife, whose name was Zulaikha. On that account 

12 In fact, Ho-hsi, from ho , “river,” and hsi, “west,” means “the country west of 
the river (the Hwang Ho).” See also, above, p. 22 and note 45. 

13 Sian, the capital of Shensi. See above, p. 283 and note 165. 

14 Kanchow (Yangyeh) in Kansu. See above, p. 283 and note 169. 

15 Pelliot (Polo II, p. 641) hesitates between Irqai, the native name of Ningsia 
(Yinchwan) in Kansu, Polo’s Egrigaia, and Uraqai, another place in Tangut. 

16 Polo’s Calacian, on which see Pelliot, Polo /, pp. 132—37, where he identifies it 
with the “temporary residence” built by Li Yiian-hao in 1047 in the Ho-lan shan or 
Ala Shan mountains and also with the Alashai or Alashai Nuntuq “ Camp of Alashai,” 
of SH, §265. 

17 In Turkish, “White Town,” Polo’s Acbalec Mangi, identified by Pelliot ( Polo I, 
pp. 7-8) with Hanchung (Nancheng) in southern Shensi. 



Islam took firm root in his heart. He learnt the Qur’an and writes the 
Tazik script extremely well, and his time is always devoted to acts of 
devotion and worship. There are nearly 150,000 Mongol troops sub- 
ordinate to him, and he has converted the majority of them to Islam. 
One of his emirs, called Sartaq, who was opposed to Islam, went to the 
Qa’an and complained that Ananda was always in the mosque, 
praying, fasting, and reading the Qur’an; that he had circumcised 
the children of most of the Mongols; and that he had converted the 
greater part of the army to Islam. The Qa’an was extremely annoyed 
at this report and he sent Jirghalang and Chirtaqu, who are brothers 
and in charge of the qushchis, to forbid his performing acts of devotion 
and worship, to withdraw the Muslims from his Court, and to en- 
courage him to worship idols and burn incense in idol temples. He 
refused to do so and would not listen to them, saying: “An idol is a 
man-made thing— how can I worship it? The sun was created by the 
Great God and is the soul of the corporeal world and the cause of the 
life and growth of animal and vegetable, and yet I do not think it 
right to worship it. How then should I worship a material form made 
by man? I worship Him Who created the Qa’an and me.” The Qa’an 
was extremely angry at these words and ordered Ananda to be im- 
prisoned. But he remained constant in his faith and Islam and contin- 
ued to affirm his belief, saying: “Our fathers were all monotheists and 
knew and worshipped God alone. Therefore, thanks to that sincere 
belief, the Ancient God bestowed upon them the whole face of the 
earth so that they held their heads high in pride and never bowed to 
any idol.” The Qa’an sent for him and asked: “If thou hast dreamt a 
dream, or heard a voice, or something has appeared to thee, or someone 
has guided thee to Islam, tell me so, that he may guide me too.” 
Ananda replied: “The Great God guided me through knowledge of 
Him.” Said the Qa’an: “It was a devil that guided thee.” He replied: 
“If it was a devil that guided me, who was it who guided Ghazan 
Khan, who is my aqa ?” The Qa’an was silent and reflected for awhile. 
Kokejin Khatun said to him by way of advice : “ It is 2 years since thou 
mountedst the throne and the realm is not yet settled. Ananda has a 
large army, and all those troops and the people of the Tangqut country 
are Muslims and opposed to this state of affairs; moreover they are 
close to enemy territory. Heaven forbid that they should change their 



allegiance! It is not advisable to use force on him. He knows best 
about his belief and religion.” The Qa’an realized that this advice 
was given out of compassion. He freed Ananda, consoled and soothed 
him, and conferred honors upon him, sending him back at the head of 
the Tangqut army and bestowing the kingdom of Tangqut upon him. 

Although Ananda had believed in and practised Islam from his 
childhood, he went to extremes in this when he heard that the Lord 
of Islam ( may God cause him to reign forever !) had become a Muslim, 
a monotheist, and a man of pure faith, and that all the Mongols in 
Persia had become Muslims, breaking all the idols and destroying all 
the idol-temples. Then he too, in imitation of him, strove to strengthen 
the faith of Islam. Now the case of Ananda and his army may be 
deduced from the fact that within a short space of time the cause of 
Islam has attained to perfection in those countries, and, in accordance 
with the words of the Qur’an — “ entering the religion of God by troops ” l8 — 
they arrive in a throng to become believers, monotheists, Muslims, 
and men of pure faith. And the sons and grandsons of the aforesaid 
Mihtar Hasan, Hindu, Daulat-Shah, Hamid, Jamal Aqa, and Mu- 
hammad Aqtachi are all men of standing and importance. Some of 
them are attached to the mother of Temur Qa’an and strive to 
strengthen the faith of Islam. 

Afterward, in recent years, Ananda went to the Qa’an on the occa- 
sion of a quriltai and was treated with honor and respect. He openly 
paraded his Islam, and the Qa’an, having heard of the conversion of 
the Lord of Islam, expressed his approval and said: “In becoming a 
Muslim Ananda has followed Ghazan. Let him practice Islam as his 
heart desires, for I have reflected [and found] that Islam is a good 
way and religion.” On this account, Ananda went to even greater 
extremes in [the propagation of] Islam. He returned again as head of 
the Tangqut state and the army, and although the ministers and 
bitikchis of the Qa’an are in charge of the tamghas there, most of the 
revenue is expended on the army and not much of it reaches the Divan. 
And today even Sartaq, who was opposed to Islam and denounced 
Ananda, has become a Muslim and is one of his great emirs. Another is 
a man called Mengli, who is also a Muslim. Ananda, at the present 
time, is certainly thirty years old. He is swarthy with a black beard, 

18 Koran, cx, 2. 



tall and corpulent. He has a son called Orug-Temiir, who, in his own 
ulus, is firmly established on the throne of sovereignty. He has built 
mosques and places of worship in his own ordos and yurts and is always 
employed in reading the Qur’an and performing acts of worship. 

Four years after the august accession of Temur Qa’an, Du’a, the 
son of Baraq, set out at the head of an army to attack the aforemen- 
tioned princes and emirs who control the frontier of Temur Qa’an’s 
Empire. As is the custom of the army, there is a patrol stationed in 
every siibe 19 and from the siibe of Ajiqi' and Chiibei, who are in the 
extreme West, to the siibe of Muqali, who is in the East, yams have 
been set up and couriers stationed in them. On this occasion they 
reported to one another that a large army had made its appearance. 
It so happened that the princes Kokochii, Jungqur, and Nangiyadai 20 
had gathered together and held a feast and were drinking and making 
merry. At night, when the news arrived, they were drunk and had 
fallen unconscious, incapable of mounting horse. Korguz Kiiregen , 21 
the son-in-law of Temur Qa’an, set out at the head of his army, and at 
once the enemy arrived. Since they were unaware of the situation, and 
some of the armies of the right and left hand were without news, and 
the distance between them great, they were unable to join one another, 
and Du’a, the son of Baraq, and his army fell upon Korguz, who had 
not more than six thousand men with him. He was unable to stand up 
to Du’a and [so] fled, making in the direction of a mountain. The enemy 
pursued and captured him and were about to kill him. He said: “I 
am Korguz, the son-in-law of the Qa’an.” Du’a’s commander gave 
orders that he was not to be killed but held [prisoner]. The fleeing 
troops went to the Qa’an. Now Kokochii, the Qa’an’s uncle, having 
failed to join the army because of neglect, was afraid and lay skulking in 
a corner. He was sent for several times but did not appear. In the end 
the Qa’an sent Ajiq'i to coax him out [of his hiding-place] . And when 
the routed army reached the Qa’an’s presence, he was displeased with 
its commanders: Jungqur and Nangiyadai were seized and bound, and 

19 See above, p. 299 and note 231. 

20 Only the first of the three would appear to be a prince of the blood: Kokochii, a 
son of Qubilai and uncle of the Great Khan. Jungqur and Nangiyadai are 
apparently the commanders referred to above, p. 286. 

21 On Korguz, “ Prince George,” see above, p. 286 and note 1 8 1 . 



he said to them: “How could you be so neglectful and allow such 
waste oftime?” 

At the very time when the routed army and Du’a were in that 
area, the princes Yobuqur and Ulus-Buqa and the Emir Dorduqa, 
who had fled to Qaidu in the time of Qubilai Qa’an and had been 
sent by Qaidu to Du’a, consulted together and then deserted Du’a 
and set out to join Temur Qa’an with an army of twelve thousand 
men. When the Qa’an heard of their approach he did not trust them, 
for Dorduqa had come back once during the reign of Qubilai Qa’an 
and had taken the above-mentioned princes away with him.Therefore 
he dispatched Chirtaqu, Mubarak-Shah Damghani, and Satuq, 
along with Ajiq'i, to bring them to him. Yobuqur and Dorduqa both 
came but left Ulus-Buqa with the tents in the region of Qara-Qorum 
with instructions to follow them slowly. He plundered Qara-Qorum 
and looted the market and granaries. When he arrived, the Qa’an 
accused him, saying: “How didst thou dare to commit such an act 
in the resting-place of Chingiz-Khan ? ” And he had him bound and 
imprisoned. He excused himself by saying: “I came hither as a fugitive. 
Du’a’s army was pursuing us; they joined battle with us and plundered 
[the town].” His excuse was not accepted. Taiki, the wife of Asutai, 
and Khaishang, his son, toward whom the Qa’an was very well dis- 
posed, interceded on behalf of Ulus-Buqa, who was Asutai’s brother. 
He was set free, but the Qa’an did not trust him and did not send him 
on any other campaign, ordering him to remain in attendance on the 
throne. As for Yobuqur, he treated him kindly and said: “He has 
committed no crime.” However he was angry with the Emir Dorduqa 
and said: “Put him to death, for he deserted on two occasions.” Dor- 
duqa wept and said: “I was afraid of Qubilai Qa’an and ran away, 
but as long as I was there I never attacked or fought the Qa’an’s 
army. And when Temur became Qa’an, I took advantage of this 
opportunity and, after consulting with these princes, I came back 
bringing more troops than I had taken with me, my intention being to 
render service. If the Qa’an will show me favor I will set out with the 
troops I have brought and whatever other troops he gives me, and 
pursue Du’a and punish him for what he has done. Perhaps I may be 
able to rescue Kbrgiiz.” The emirs reported these words and inter- 
ceded on his behalf, whereupon the Qa’an pardoned his crime and 



dispatched him at the head of a fully equipped army. But he ordered 
Yobuqur not to go. He interceded on his behalf and said: “We have 
come to render service. Let our dependents remain here and let us go, 
for we are familiar with the conditions of that country and army. It 
may be that, thanks to the Qa’an’s fortune, we shall avenge that inci- 
dent.” The Qa’an honored Yobuqur also and spoke kindly to him; and 
they all set out together. 

Meanwhile, Du’ a, his mind set at rest with the defeat of the [Qa’an’s] 
army, was moving at a slow pace, intending to proceed to his own 
ordos and then to send troops to the posts and areas of Ananda, Ajiqi, 
and Chiibei, who are in the region of Qara-Qocha, and whom he 
hoped to attack, defeat, and put to flight. At the time when the army 
was spread out on the banks of a large river, which they were about 
to cross, Yobuqur, Ulus-Buqa, and Dorduqa suddenly appeared and 
attacked Du’a and his army. They killed many, and many were 
drowned. Although they tried, they were unable to get hold of Korgiiz, 

but they captured Du’a’s son-in-law, called , 22 and returned 

victorious and triumphant. The Qa’an received them kindly and showed 
them favor. The emirs then thought of releasing Du’a’s son-in-law 
in the hope that he for his part might send back the Qa’an’s son-in-law. 
In those same few days ambassadors arrived from Du’a bearing the 
following message: “We have done something and have been punished 
for it. Now Korgiiz is with us and Du’a’s son-in-law is with you.” 
Korgiiz too had sent a noker along with them with this message: “I 
am safe but have no nokers and am without food and sustenance. 
Send two or three nokers and something for me.” They dispatched four 
of his emirs with an abundant supply of goods in the company of 
Du’a’s son-in-law. Before they arrived they had killed Korgiiz. They 
excused themselves by saying that they were sending him to Qaidu 
and that he died on the way. 

ments with the army of Qaidu and Du’a and how Qaidu was wounded 
in battle and died of his wound 

22 Blank in all the mss. 



Thereafter Bayan, the son of Qonichi, who is of the uruq of Orda 
and is now ruler of that ulus, sent an ambassador to the Qa’an to report 
on his cousin Kuiliik, who had risen in rebellion, sought refuge with 
Qaidu and Du’a, and fought several battles with him — as has been 
recorded in the history of Jochi. The ambassador’s message was as 
follows: “Let your army set out at once from that direction and the 
army of Badakhshan, which is constantly being harrassed by them, 
from the East. The army of the Lord of Islam ( may God cause him to 
reign forever !) will assuredly render assistance from the West, and we 
shall surround Qaidu and Du’a from every side and at once make an 
end of them.” When this proposal was discussed in private, Kokejin 
Khatun, the mother of the Qa’an, said: “In the lands of Khitai and 
Nangiyas our ulus is large, and the country of Qaidu and Du’a is far 
away. If thou goest to war, it will require a year or two before that 
business is settled. Heaven forbid that in the meantime some distur- 
bance may occur which it may take a long time to put down. We 
must be patient now and send a reply to this effect: ‘We agree with 
what you say. Wait for a communication.’ ” On this account there was 

some delay, and it was 2 or 3 years later, in the year , 23 that the 

Qa’an’s army set out for this purpose against Qaidu and Du’a. They 
made for an area that was nearer to Qaidu [’s territory]. The two 
armies met and there was a fierce battle : Qaidu was wounded and they 
put his army to flight. Du’a, being some distance away, did not arrive 
till several days later. Again they gave battle and fought fiercely, and 
Du’a too was wounded. As for Qaidu, he died of the wound he had 
received. 24 

viziers of the Qa’an with respect to jewels and ornaments which they 
had bought from merchants; and how Tanba Bakhshi interceded 
for them by means of a trick and so obtained their release 

Tanba Bakhshi the Tibetan, of whom an account was given in the 
history of Qubilai Qa’an, 25 was a man of great influence with Temur 

23 Blank in all the mss. 

24 On the contradictory accounts of Qaidu’s death, see Four Studies, pp. 128-29. 

25 See above, pp. 302-303. 



Qa’an also. The following is one of the many stories illustrating that 
influence. On one occasion some merchants had brought a large 
quantity of jewelry and precious stones and were selling them to the 
Qa’an. The emirs, viziers, and brokers who were present valued it 
all at a sum of 60 tiimens of balish. This amount was brought from the 
treasury and the merchants dispensed nearly 15 tiimens of this amongst 
the emirs and viziers. Now there was an emir called Muqbil Finjan, 
against whom the other emirs had presented a petition. He had in 
consequence been dismissed and the Qa’an had appointed him in the 
capacity of a totqa'ul, which in Khitayan is called leng-qish . 26 There were 
two brokers who were not allowed by the other brokers to take part 
in their transactions. These brokers said to that emir: “That jewelry 
is not worth more than 30 tiimens .” Muqbil reported these words and 
orders were given for the jewelry to be valued again. Shihab al-Dln 
Qunduzi, who had been chingsang of the town of Khingsai and had 
been dismissed, was present at Court and valued it at 30 tiimens. The 
Qa’an then ordered the merchants and brokers to be arrested. They 
confessed as to how much they had given to each emir, and in con- 
sequence the emirs and viziers were arrested also. There were twelve 
of them: Dashman Chingsang, Toina, Sarban, Y'ighmish, Teke Finjan, 
‘Isa Kelemechi, Bayanchar, the brother of Bayan Finjan, Shams 
al-Dln Qunduzi, and three other finjans. They were all of them im- 
prisoned in the Divan building in the shing, and orders were given 
that they were all to be put to death. Their wives and dependents 
went to Kokejin Khatun to intercede for them. She tried to obtain 
their release but in vain. They then resorted to Tanba Bakhshi. Now 
it so happened that a comet had appeared that day. Accordingly, 
Tanba Bakhshi sent to the Qa’an suggesting that he should worship 
the comet. The Qa’an came and the bakhshi said : “Forty prisoners must 
be freed.” Then he said: “One hundred more prisoners must be 
pardoned.” And so they were saved. He then represented to the Qa’an 
that a roya \yarligh ought to be issued. The Qa’an prayed in the temple 
for 7 days. Then he came out and sent those people back to their 
posts; and all their followers rejoiced. However the 30 tiimens of balish 
in excess of the [true] value of the jewelry were taken back from them. 

26 On this form, see Blochet, p. 614, note t. 






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Mo. Written Mongolian. 

T. Turkish. 





And a 













Divan (Divan) 

El (II) 









Kezik, Kezikten 




A vermilion seal attached by the Mongols to their 
documents. Cf. tamgha. 

“Brother by oath,” the relationship that existed between 
Genghis Khan’s father and Ong-Khan and Genghis 
Khan himself and his later rival Jamuqa. 

In Mongol, “elder brother” used in the sense of “senior 
prince,” as compared with ini (q.v.). 

A Turkish title, originally given to the guardians of 
Seljuq princes, borne by the rulers of Fars and 

Hero; brave warrior. 

Buddhist priest. 

The Persian word for “pillow,” applied to an ingot 
of gold or silver. 

Mongol governor of a conquered territory. 

Cook, steward. 

Maxim ; wise saying. 


Taster; officer responsible for commisariat. 

Auxiliary troops. 

Muslim divine. 

Government department; secretariat; chancery. 

Subject territory. 


Ruling on a disputed point of Muslim law. 

Isma c Ili assassin. 

Military unit of one thousand men. 

Younger brother. The aqa and ini, that is, the senior 
and junior Mongol princes. 

Crown land(s). 

Title of local rulers in the Caspian region. 

See nerge. 


In Mongol times the ruler of an ulus (q.v.). 

An old Turkish title of sovereignty, applied by Rashid 
al-Din to the Emperors of China. 



































“Donkey load” = ioo Tabriz maunds, under Ghazan 
equivalent to 83.3 kg. 

Title applied to Turkish and Mongol princesses. 

Friday sermon in the mosque. 

A school for Muslim learning. 

Title of Muslim local rulers, inferior to sultan. 

A kind of brocade. 


Ring of hunters in a battue ; similar formation in battle. 
Follower; assistant. 


The Turkish for “son,” applied as a title to Mongol 
princes of the blood. 

Camp of a Mongol prince, under the management of 
one of his wives. 

Merchant in partnership with a prince or high official 
and operating with the latter’s money. 


Chinese p‘ai tzu, a kind of laissez-passer, Polo’s “tablet 
of authority.” 

A variant of khaqan (q.v.), always applied by Rashid 
al-Dln to the Mongol Emperor, the Great Khan. 
Tax collected by the Mongols from the sedentary 

Wandering dervish. 

Shaman ; witch-doctor. 

Man of the people ; commoner. 



Assembly or diet of the Mongol princes. 


Blockhouse on the frontiers of Islam. 

Minister, especially minister of finance. 

The Arabo-Persian equivalent of basqaq (q.v.). 

Seal ; octroi at the gates of a town. 

Rare or precious object brought as a gift. 

Person enjoying certain hereditary privileges, such as 
exemption from taxes. 

Action of presenting gifts to a ruler. 

Ten thousand; also an army unit of ten thousand. 















Day guard. 

Offering of food to a traveler. 

The subjects of a Mongol prince. 

Family; posterity. 

Post station. 

Official in charge of a post station. 


Decree; rescript. 

The code of Genghis Khan. 

Mongol customary law, as distinct from the yasa of 
Genghis Khan. 

Apanage of a Mongol prince. 

Kind of belt worn by eastern Christians and Jews. 

34 1 



1 1 — ; 1 

Jochi Chaghatai 11 ogedei 

(See Table IV) (1229- 1241) 


Batu Berke in guyuk Qashin Qadan 

(See Table III) (1246-1248) 

Hoqu Qaidu Qipchaq 


1 I .. 


(1251-1258) (1260-1294) (See Table II) 


Chabar Kammala 




( 1294 - 1307 ) 


(I 3 II-I 320 ) 


(1328-1329 and 1329) (1329-1332) (1320-1323) 


( 1333 - 1370 ) 

( 1332 ) 

Arigh Boke 




Arpa Ke’iin 





Jumqur Yoshmut Taraqai Tiibshin 



Ajai Qonqqurtai Mengu-Temur Hulachu 


(1284-1291) (1291-1295) 

vii ghazan viii oljeitu Ala-Fireng 
(1295-1304) (1304-1316) 1 

ix abu sa‘id Sati Beg Jahan-Temur 

Siige vi baidu 

h h 

Yusui-Shah ‘All 

Sulaiman Musa 

Ilder Udei Taichu Anbarchi 








4 ^ 

4 ^ 




( 1256 - 1257 ) 



( 1257 ) 






Si ban 


( 1280 - 1287 ) 

Vlii toqta Toghrilcha 



(I 3 > 3 -I 34 l) 



Tatar Mingqadur 

Noqai Tutar 











III yesu-mongke Baidar Baiju 


(1251-1260) | (1242-1246) 



I (127O 


valughu Mochi 

Chiibei ‘Abdallah 


;i266-i27i) (1272) 







(1308) (13IO-I318) (1318-1326) ( 1326 ) 





(! 334 ) 


(I334-I33 8 ) 


RAT ll68 

ox 1169 

TIGER 1170 

HARE 1 1 7 1 

DRAGON 1172 





HEN 1177 



1 180 

















1 184 








1 186 




1 187 


1 2 1 1 








































































I30 1 









I 3 I 5 












13 18 



























! 349 








i 35 i 








J 353 




r 354 


i 33 i 

















r 37 ° 



r 359 

J 37 ! 




Abachi, son of Mongke-Temiir, 109 
Abachi, son of Oriig-Temiir, 28 
Abai, 1 16 

Abaqa, Il-Khan, 3, 20, 23, 98, 105, 123- 
24, 129, 136, 139, 140, 142, 152, 153, 
!54> 1 75, 265, 270, 29071 
Abaqai, 315 

‘Abdallah, son of Bojei, 138 
‘Abdallah, son of Mochi, 144 
‘Abdallah Finjan, 322 
‘Abd al-Rahman, 177, 183, 271 
Abish, 307 

Abishqa, son of Biiri, 138, 150, 224, 248, 
253, 254, 262 

Abishqa, son of Qarachar, 1 1 5 
Abishqa Shiikiirchi, 315 
Abishqa, th eyarghuchi, 257-58 
Abivard, 26a 
Abjiya-Koteger, 256 
Abkhaz, 43 
Abtaqul, 2777 

Abu Bakr, son of Talib, 291 

Abu Bakr, the atabeg, 50-51, 92, 193, 306 

Abu Sa‘id, Il-Khan, 5 

Abulustan, Battle of, 30577 

Acbalec Mangi, 32377 

Achbaluch, 165 

Ach'iq, 1 16 

Acmat, 28877 

Adam, 7 

Adharbaijan (Azerbaijan), 4, 43, 74, 181, 
183, 218 
‘Adil, 1 16 
‘Adil, Malib, 50 
Afrasiyab, 63, 80 
Afridis, 234 
Aguil, 27177 

Ahangaran, river, see Angren, river 
Ahlat, 4477 

Ahmad, Emir, vizier, 295 
Ahmad (Tegiider), Il-Khan, 139, 306 
Ahmad Fanakatl, 12, 288-92 
Ahmad, son of Biiri, 139 
Ahmad, son of Ebiigen, son of Batu, 1 10 
Ahmad, son of Ebiigen, son of Ming- 
qadur, 1 1 3 

Ahmad, son of Mochi- Yebe, 136 
Aigiaruc, 2777 
Ai-hsieh, 29477 
‘Ain Jalut, 30577 

Ai-tsing, 3477 
Ai-Yaruq, 2777 

Aji'qi', son ofBuri, 139, 262, 283, 286, 287, 
300, 326-28 

Ajiqi', son of Melik-Temiir, 3 1 3 

Aj'iqi, son of Qadan, 2877 

Ajis, 201 

Aju, 271-72 

Akhlat, 44-45, 46 

Akhtachi, shiikurchi, 298 

Akhtachi, son of Yesii-Buqa, 114 

Aksaray, Battle of, 30477 

‘Ala al-Din, brother of Kai-Ka’us II, 233 

‘Ala al-Din, son of Saif al-Din, 282 

‘Ala al-Din Altun-Bars, 232 

‘Ala al-Din Finjan, 282 

‘Ala al-Din Kai-Qubad I, 45—46, 50, 68 

‘Ala al-Din Muhammad III, 49, 181 

Ala Shan (mountains), 323?? 

‘Alam-Dar, 28 

‘Alam-Dar Bitikchi, 204 

‘Alam-Dar, emir, 248-51, 254, 263 

Alarnut, 49, 1 81, 183 

Alan Qo’a, 21771 

Alans, 43, 56 

Alaq, 270 

Alaqa, 314 

Alashai, 32377 

Alchi Noyan, 107, 224, 241, 243 

Alch'iqa, 56 

Alchu Noyan, 164 

Aleppo, 181, 183, 192, 218, 233 

Alexander, 212 

Alfi, 305 

Alghu, son of Baidar, 142, 143, 144, 150- 
5!= 251, 253-54, 2 55> 2 5 6 > 2 57 - 6 1, 264, 

Alghu (Alqui), son of Mongke-Temiir, 124 

‘Ali, son ofBughu, 139 

‘All, son of Oriig-Temiir, 28 

‘All Beg, 283 

‘Ali Khwaja, 28 

‘All Malik, 218 

Alichar, emir, 263 

‘Ali-Shah, Taj al-Din, 5 

Almal'iq, 94, 259, 260 

Alp-Er Tonga, 6377 

Alqui, 109 

Altai (mountains), 145, 217, 251, 256, 
260, 310 



Altaju, ioi 

Altaju, daughter of Todei Bahadur, 102 

Altalun, 1 2 ik, 198 

Al-tamgha, 83 

Alton Debter, 10-11, 273K 

Altan-Kere, 39 

Altan-Khan, the Chin Emperor, 32, 34, 
35, 166-67, 270 
Altun Chingsang, 320 
Altun-Buqa, 243 
Ambai, 297, 320 
Amid, 48 
‘Ana, 192 

Ananda, son of Dorji, 1 1 5 
Ananda, son of Mangqala, 243, 283, 286, 
300, 320, 322, 323-26, 328 
Anatolia, 4 
Anbarchi, 1 1 6 
Anda, 98K, 140, 152 
Angkor, 272 n 
Angora, 233K 

Angren (Ahangaran) (river), 73K 
Ankuriya, 233 
An-t‘ung, 266k 
Anvari, 82K 
Aq-Baliq, 323 
Aq-Buqa, 144 
Aq-Kopek, 105 
Arabs, 8, 218, 233, 234 
Ara-Temur, 313 
Arbaraq, 70 
Arghiyan, 53 
Arghun (tribe), 10 1, 106 
Arghun, Il-Khan, 98, 101, 105, 124, 

Arghun, son of Ortig-Temur, 28 
Arghun Aqa, 73, 94, 177, 181, 183, 190, 
218, 230, 309 
Arghun-Tegin, 106 
Argons, 10 1 

Ariq Boke, 13, 22, 27, 138-39, 143, 150- 
59, 1 61, 198, 204, 224, 230, 248-65; 
his wives and descendants, 310-13 
Ariq Boke Noyan, 314 
Ariqan-Chaidan, 3 1 1 
Ariqli, 116 
Aristotle, 212 
Arjumaq, 60 
Armenia (ns), 43, 218 
Arqasun Tarkhan Chingsang, 320 
Arran, 74, 124, 130, 218 
Arslan, 1 1 3 
Arslan-Buqa, 243 

Arulat (people), 36, 314 

Arzinjan, 4611 

As, 57, 58-59, 184, 201 

Ashi'qtai, niece of Chabui, 3 1 3 

Ashiqtai, daughter of Naira’u-Buqa, 313 

Ashraf, Malik, 44-46, 50 

Ashraf, Mamluk sultan, 305 

Asichang, 55 

Asll al-Din Rughadi, 74 

As’ila u Ajviba, 7 

Asraf, 70 

Astarabad, 53 

Asutai, 138-39, 198, 224, 228, 249, 251, 
254) 256-57) 259. 260, 263-65, 287 
Ate?, A., 8 
Aubin, Jean, 154K 
Avars, 43K 

Ayachi, son of Qubilai, 244 
Ayachi, son of Quli, 104, 105 
Ayachi, son of Shiban, 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 
Azerbaijan, see Adharbaijan 
Aznaur, 44 

Baalbek, 290 
Baba, son of Ahmad, 139 
Babrius, 217K 
Babuch, 1 1 o 
Bachin, 313 
Bachman, 58-59 
Bachqirtai, 101, 103 
Badach, 71 
Badai, 320 

Badakhshan, 25, 79K, 165, 329 
Badam Noyan, 297 
BadaquI, 1 1 1 
Badghis, 26k, 213 

Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, 50, 68, 181, 191, 233, 

3°4, 3° 8 
Badraqa, 320 

Baghdad, 91-92, 102, 103, 130, 190-91, 
232-33> 308-309 

Baha al-Din of Qunduz, 282, 294 
Baha al-Din, the Cadi, 295 
Baha al-Din, Malik, 52, 53, 72 
Baha al-Din Baha’i, 295 
Baha al-Din Juvaini, 231 
Bahadur, grandson of Muqali, 227, 229, 
248, 249, 250 

Bahadur, son of Shiban, 1 1 1 
Bahar, 232K 

Bahrl Mamluks, 234-35 
Baian Cingsan, 270K 
Baidaq, 294 



Baidar, 135, 143-44 
Baidu, Il-Khan, 141, 306 
Baighara, 313 
Baihaq, 53 

Baiju, one of Mongke’s emirs, 224 

Baiju, son of Chaghatai, 135, 144 

Baiju, son of Mo’etiiken, 138 

Baiju Noyan, 190, 304 

Bailo Acmat, 12 

Bainal, 1 1 1 

Baiqa, 312 

Baiqu, 114 

Bairam, 114 

Bai-Temur, 116, 262 

Bakhshis, 302-303 

Bakhtiyar, 127 it 

Bakhtiyar, 1 1 6 

Balagha (Balaqan), 127 

Balaghai, 10411, inn 

Bala, the secretary of Giiyiik, 215 

Bala, the yarghuchi, 216 

Balaqan, hi, 122-23 

Baliq, 64, 137 

Balghasun, i.e., Chaghan-Balghasun, 271 
Baku, 197 
Baqi'rcha, 1 1 1 
Bamiyan, 137, 149 
Banakat, 73 n, 146; see also Fanakat 
Baraka Khan, 192 
Baraq, son of Ebtigen, no 
Baraq, Chaghatai Khan, 20, 23-24, 28, 
136, i39-4b 151-53. 175. 265, 300 
Baraq Hajib, 49-50, 68 
Barghujin-Togiim, io8n, 11511, 29311 
Barghut (people), 11511, 293ft 
Bargu, plain of, 10811 
Barin (people), 270 
Baritai, 313 
Barma, 242ft 
Barqu (people), 293 
Barquchin, 101, 104 
Bars-Buqa Kiiregen, 312, 313 
Barthold, W., 4 
Barulas (people), 229, 31 1 
Basar, 113 

Bashghird (people), 55, 56-57, ioitt, 107, 

Bashkirs, 55 ft, ioitt, 129 
Bashmaq, 105 
*Baski, 209 

Batu, 9, 30, 51, 55, 56-57, 59-60, 69, 74, 
99-100, 107-10, 119-22, 138, 170, 180, 
181, 185, 200-203, 213, 231 

Batuqa, 314 
Bavard, 26 

Bayalun, sister of Qutui Khatun, 106 
Bayalun, wife of Mongke, 197 
Bayan, (?)QIpchaq emir, 57 
Bayan, son of Kokechii, 270-71, 290-gi, 
297, 320 

Bayan, son of Majar, 1 1 4 
Bayan, son of Qonichi, 241, 100, 101- 
103, 200, 329 

Bayan, son of Tamachi, 313 
Bayan, son of Toqa-Temur, 116 
Bayan Ebtigen, 313 

Bayan Finjan, 279, 283, 288, 300-301, 322 
Bayanchar, brother of Bayan Finjan, 330 
Bayanchar, son of Qaidu, 103 
Bayanchar, son of Shiban, in, 112 
Baya’ujin, concubine of Mongke, 198 
Baya’ujin, wife of Qubilai, 245 
Baya’ut (people), 198, 245, 31 1, 312, 319 
Beg Khocha Finjan TusI, 282 
Begdtis, 1 13 

Beg-Temiir, son of Bainal, 1 1 1 

Beg-Temiir, son of Baraq, 20, 139, 175 

Beg-Temiir, son of Jochi-Buqa, 1 1 1 

Beg-Temiir, son of Sailqan, 1 12 

Bekchin, 321 

Beki, see Sorqoqtani Beki 

Beklemish, 267 

Bekrin (people), 22 ft 

Bektei, 162 

Bek-Tutmish Fujin, 99 
Bela, 7 1 ft 
Belgeshi, 135, 143 

Berke, 30, 59, 99, iogrt, no, 12 1, 122- 
23, 181, 202, 204, 205, 207, 217, 251, 
252, 255, 258, 261, 265, 304 
Berkecher, 30, 99, 110-11, 18 1 
Besh-Qurtuqa, 106 

Besh-Baliq, 94, 121, 136, 149, 185,214, 215 

Besiit (people), 102, 315 

Besiitei Bahadur, 314 

Bibi Salghum, 307 

Bichqa, 198 

Bi-Jiu, 165 

Bilan, 105ft 

Bilge-Temiir, 139 

Bilgiitei, 30, 204, 225, 251 

Bilig, 13, 18, 155-56, 321 

B'il'iqchi, no, 124 

Bini-yi Gav, 123 

Bishkin, 47 

Bitikchi, 139 

35 1 


Bitikchi Qoridai, 55 
Blackcaps, 69 
Bo'al, 99, 1 13 

Bochek, 56, 59, 69, 7 o, 107, 159, 161 

Bojei, 138 

Bolad Aqa, 292 

Bolad Chingsang, io, 262, 273 

Boladchi, 21 

Bolat, 259a 

Boleslaw of Sandomir, 70 a 
Bolgarskoe, 33a 
Bolghar, 33a 
Bolnisi, 43a 
Bondacdaire, 305a 
Boniface VIII, 33a 
Boqshi, 59 
Boqtaq, 185 
Bora, 1 1 5 
Borachar, 1 1 3 

Boralghi, son of Qutlugh-Temiir, 1 12 
Boralghi, son of Tiibshiri, 162 
Boralqi, son of Mubarak-Shah, 142 
Boralqi, son of Tiimen, 105 
Boralqi, son of Yesii-Buqa, 1 14 
Boraltai, 112 
Boralun, 104, 105 
Boraqchin, of the Baya’ut, 245 
Boraqchin, wife of Ogedei, 18 
Bora’ujin, 114 
Borcha, 252 

Borghuchi Yarghuchi, see Borghuchin 
Borghuchin (Borghuchi Yarghuchi), 36, 

Bdrliik, 109 

Boroldai, 56-57 

Boroqul Noyan, 244 

Borte Fujin, 16, 97-98, 135, 159, 242 

Boz-Buqa, 109 

Bozma, 139, 142 

Browne, E. G., 9 

Buda-Ondiir, 228a, 310, 314 

Buddha, 7 

Buddhism, 7 

Bug, river, 128a 

Bughu, 139 

Biigii Khan, 63a 

Bujir, 225 

Biik-Buqa, son of Mochi-Yebe, 1 36 
Biik-Buqa, son of Toghan, 137 
Bukhara, 20, 73, 87, 94, 15 1, 165, 175, 
200, 258 

Bulaghan, wife of Abaqa, 102 
Bulaghan, wife of Toqta, 109 

Bulaghan, wife of Tunieken, 104 

Bular (people), 55, 56-57, io 7> 1 *8 

Bular, son of Ebiigen, 1 10 

Bulargkui, 280/1 

Biilengii mountains, 64 

Bulgha, 207, 263-64 

Bulghar, 33, 56, 57 

Bulqan Qalcha, 229 

Bulqan-Qaldun, see Burqan-Qaldun 

Biiltecher, 162 

Bulughan, 319 

Bunduq-Dar, 305 

Buqa, son of Qadaqai, 144 

Buqa, son of Qadaqchi Sechen, 139 

Buqadai, 61 

Buqa-Temiir, son ofHiilegii, 106 
Buqa-Temiir, of the Oirat, 110 
Buqa-Temiir, son of Mergen, 112 
Buqa-Temiir, son of Olqutu, 106 
Buqa-Temiir, son of Qadaqai, 144, 154 
Buqa-Temiir, son of Qadaqchi Sechen, 
I 39> H 1 

Buqu, son of Qadaqai, 144 
Buqu Khan, 47 
Buqulun, ioi, 103 
Burhan al-Din, 258 
Burhan al-Din Bukhari, 294 
Biiri, emir, 254 

Biiri, son of Mo’etuken, 59-60, 69, 138, 
203, 213, 259a 
*Biirilgitei, 214 
Biiritei Bitikchi, 150, 258 
Burqan-Qaldun (Bulqan-Qaldun), 228, 

Burtaq, 315 
Burtas, 59 

Burunduq, uncle of Sorqadu Ba’urchi, 

Buta Egechi, 312 
Buyantu, 42/2 
Buzghala Defile, 165a 
Byzantine scholars, 7 

Caban, 144a 
Cailac, 30a 
Qaiton, 282a 
Calacian, 323a 

Caliphate, 7, 10, 43-44, 184, 190-91, 

Cambaluc, 249a 
Campcio, 283a 
Cangitae, 37a 
Canton, see Chin-Kalan 



Caragian, 223/2 
Caramoran, 34/1 
Caraunas, 139 
Qardandan, 247 n 
Carpathians, 69/2 
Carpini, John de Plano, i8i« 

Cathay, 2 in 
Caugigu, 272 n 
Cha’adai, I35n 
Chaadayev, i35n 

Chabat, 20, 140, 152-53, 175, 264 
Chabui, 228, 22g, 241-42, 243, 245, 248, 

Chaghan Noyan, 225 
Chaghan-Balghasun, 165 
Chaghan-Buqa, roi, 104 
Chaghan-Jang, 246 

Chaghatai, 9, 13, 16, 18, 30, 31, 51, 55, 
65, 74-75, 77, 98, 1 18; history of, 

134- 56, his wives, 135; his descendants, 

135- 44; his career, 145-49; his 
ministers, 154-56; 165, 166 

Chaghatai dynasty, 9, 149-54. 

Chaidam, 31m 
Chaluqan Aqa, 3 1 1 
Chamchiyal, 275, 292 
Chan, 43n 
Chanet, 43 
Ch‘ang chon, 272 n 
Chaghan-Na’ur, 283, 286 
Changpeh, 146/2 
Ch‘ao, 3 

Chao kuan, 224 n 
Chapar, 35/1 

Chapar, 20, 24, 27, 28, 1 02-1 03 

Chaqula, 224 

Chaqurchi, 314 

Charaqu, 262, 266 

Chargh, 87 

Charuq, 104 

Cha’uldar, 314 

Cha’ur Sechen, 12 1 

Cheche, 137 

Chechen, 32 m 

Chechen-Qa’an, 321 

Chemeinfu, 252ft 

Chen, 278 n 

Chen-chin, 242 n 

Ch‘ eng-hsiang, 278 n 

Chengting, 165/1, 27m 

Cheng-ting fu, 165/2 

Cherik, 111, 112 

Cherina, 198/2 

Cherkes, (Circassians), 60, 107, 118, 201 

Chia Ssu-tao, 229/2 

Chiaaday, I35n 

Chiang-ling fu, 55/2 

Chiao-chih kuo, 272 n 

Chichektti, 137 

Chigin-Temur, 144 

Chigti Kuregen, 164 

Chila’un, 227 

Chila’uqun, 99, 113 

Chilger Boko, 98/2 

Chimtai, 99, 1 14 

Chin dynasty, 1 1 

China, 10, 12; administration of, 277-78, 
279-84; see also Khitai (North China); 
Manzi, Nangiyas (South China) 
Chinas (people), 322 
Ch'in-Bolad, 28 
Chin-ch‘ih, see Zar-Dandan 
Chinese, 7, 8; see also Khitai, Manzi; 

Ching, 277n 

Chingiz-Khan, see Genghis Khan 
Chingqai, see Chinqai 
Chingqur, 261 
Chingsang, 278-79 
Chingtum, son of Moge, 162 
Chingtum, wife of Qonichi, 10 1, 104 
Chin-Kalan (Canton), 283, 283/2, 284 
Chinqai, 72, 74, i55~5 6 , *7 6 , i8 4, 185, 
186, 189, 215 

Ch'in-Temur, son of Oriig-Temur, 28 
Chtn-Temur, governor of Khurasan, 51- 

53, 7a, 73 
Chiqu, 57 

Chirtaqu, 297, 324, 327 
Choban Kuregen, 3 1 1 
Chochimtai, 198/2 
Cho-chou, see Jo-Jiu 
Chohsien, see Jo-Jiu 
Chongju, 281/2 
Choqbal, 209 

Chormaghun (general), 33, 46, 51, 74 
Chormaqai, 100, 106 
Chou, 278 n 

Christians, 184, 278, 294-95 
Chuanchow, see Zaitun 
Chubei, son of Alghu, 144, 153, 265, 286, 
299-300, 326 

Chubei, wifeofNoqai, 127, 129 
Chubivan, 280 
Chula Village, 289 
Ch'u-mi yuan, 280 



Chun, 278 n 
Ch'ungju, 28 1 n 
Ch'ungnyol, 282 n 
Ch'ungson, 282ft 
Chung-tu, 34 n, 227ft 
Chunju, 281 
Cibai, 144ft 
Cinchim, 242ft 
Cipingu, 284ft 
Circassians, see Cherkes 
Cirina, 198ft 

Cleaves, Francis W., 35ft, 103ft 

Cochin China, 272 n 

Cogachin, 244 

Cogatai, 292ft 

Comans, 37 n 

Comet, 330 

Conchi, ioi» 

Constantinople, 304 
Corenza, 105 
Cota, 228 

Cotata Caten, ig7« 

Crimea, 6on 
Croatians, 70ft 

Dabir Siyaqi, 8 
Dahae, 104ft 

Daidu, 274-76, 288, 289, 292-93 
Dai-Liu, 247 
Dalan-Daba, 54ft 
Damascus, 233, 291 
Damietta, 234 

Danishmand Hajib, 28, 77, 85, 91, 215 
Danish-Pazhuh, M. T., 8 
Danube, 70 « 

Daquq, 190, 19 1 
Daquqa, 1 10 

Darband, 61 ft, 71ft, 107, in, 122, 123 
Daritai, 135 

Dashman, emir, 279, 282, 283, 295, 297, 

3 2 °> 33 ° 

Dashman, son ofBayan, 116 

Dashman, son of Sayin-Bugha, 1 62 

Dashman, son of Tiimen, 105 

Da’ud, 144 

Daulat-Shah, 192 

Davids, the two, 181, 183 

Dayir, 52ft 

Dayir-Usun, i8n 

Dei Noyan, 17, 97, 135 

Dei Sechen, 17ft 

Delger-Buqa, 242 

Delhi, 142 

Delhi, Sultan of, 142 
Derek, 106 

Derekei, 223, 225, 252, 256 
Deresii, 103, 162, 197, 244 
Deresu{n), 103ft 

Dhu’l-Qarnain, son of Bughu, 139 
Dihistan, 104, 122 
Diyarbakir, 48ft 

Diyar Bakr, 47, 50, 68, 94, 130, 192, 193, 
218, 235, 304 
Dizbaz, 232 
Dizmar, 232 
Dizmar, 46 

Dnieper (river), 125ft, I2 8« 

Dniester (river), 128ft 
Do Li Shang, 226, 248 
Don (river), see Tan (river) 

Dongiir, 1 1 o 
Doqdai, 1 1 o 
Doqolqu, 36ft 

Dorbejin, wife of Qaidu, 25 
Ddrbejin, wife of Qubilai, 244 
Dorben (people), 244, 312 
Ddrben, son of Tamachi, 313 
Dorbet, see Dorben 
Dorbetei, 262 
Dorduqa, 327-28 
Dorji, emir, 248-51, 263 
Dorji, son of Qarachar, 1 1 5 
Dorji, son of Qubilai, 242 
Du, 277 

Du’a, 9, 24, 27, 102, 139, 141-42, 285, 
298-300, 313, 322, 326-29 
Dujail, 233 
Diikiiles, 144 
Duratu, 1 1 3 
Durchi, 28, 251, 253 
Dzabkhan (Jabqan Moren) (river), 27 «, 

Earthquakes, 308 

Ebiigen, messenger, 230 

Ebiigen, son ofBatu, 108-10 

Ebiigen, son ofBughra Yarghuchl, 314 

Ebiigen, son of Biiri, 139 

Ebiigen, son of Mingqadur, 1 13 

Ebiigen, son of Moge, 162 

Ebiigen Kiiregen, 1 1 2 

Ecbatana, 3 

Edessa, 193a 

Edgii-Temiir, 72-74 

Egechi, 312ft 

Egrigaia, 323ft 



Egypt, 50, 68, 191, 233-34, 255, 304-305 
Ejil, 252 

Ejil-Buqa, son of Chiibei, 1 44 

Ejil-Buqa, son of Oqruqchi, 244, 320 

Ejil-Temur, no 

Ekii-Buqa (?), 25 

El of the Barin, 267 

El-Basar, iogn 

El-Basm'ish, 1 1 3 

El-Buqa, son of Mergen, 112 

El-Buqa, son of Mubarak, 104 

Elcheltay, 183 

Elchidei, son of Qaichi’un, 30, 32, 180, 

Elchidei Noyan, 66, 89, 21 1, 224, 264 
El-Chiqm'ish, 3 1 1 

Elchitei, see Elchidei, son of Qachi’un, 
and Elchidei Noyan 
Elet, 257 

Eljigidei, 26ft, 183, 213 

Eljigidei’s Spring, 26 

Eljigin (people), 198 

Eljigitei, see Eljigidei 

El-Temiir, 312 

El-Tutmish, 115 

Emegelchin Tayichi’utai, 55 

Emegen, daughter of Melik-Temiir, 313 

Emegen, son of Qarachar, 1 1 5 

Emel (river), see Emil (river) 

Emil (river), 19, ign, 30, 170, 178, 180, 
184, 185 

Emil-Qochin, 120 

Emperor Trajan’s Wall, 128 

Emperors, Roman, 7 

Erdish (Irtysh) (river), 117, 118, 267 

Eriqaya, 88/z 

Erke, 229 

Erkegiin, 150, 258 

Erkene, 27 

Erke'un, 220 

Erniik Egechi, 107 

Ershil Kuregen, 139 

Er-Tegin, 313 

Erzerum, Sultan of, 45 

Erzincan, 46 ft 

Esen-Boke, 144 

Esen-Fulad, 142 

Esen-Temur, son of Hiigechi, 244 
Esen-Temur, son of Yebe, 28 
Esen-Temur Ba’urchi, 314 
Eshige, 320 
Eshitei, 3 1 1 
Eskebe, 28 

Etil (Volga) (river), 58, 122, 126, 127 
Europe, 10 

Fakhr al-Din, chief cadi, 181 

Fanakat, 73 

Fang Cheng, 226 

Farahan, 306 n 

Faraquatay, 235ft 

Farghana, 218 

Faris al-Din Aq-Tai, 235 

Fars, 50, 181, 193, 2 1 8, 235, 306-307 

Fatima, 176, 177, 182 

Fava'id-i Sultaniya, 6-7 

Feng-chou, see Fung-Jiu 

Fida’is, 73 

Flla, 89-90 

Fingerprints, 280-81 

Finjan, 278-79 

Foochow, see Fu-Ju 

Franks, 7, 8, 57, 181, 191, 234 

Frazer, J. G., 248s 

Fu, 277 

Fu-chou, 146ft 

Fugiu, 282ft 

Fujin Beki, 97 

Fu-Jiu (Fu-chou), 146, 146ft 
Fu-Jiu (Wuchai), 146, 146ft 
Fu-Ju (Foochow), 282, 282/2 
Fung-Jiu (Feng-chou), 146, 146ft 

Gambo Dorji, 144 
Gau Finjan, 12, 288-92 
Gegen-Chaghan, 63 
Geikhatu, II- Khan, 3, 141, 306 
Genghis Khan, 9, 16, 17-18, 29, 79, 97, 
117-19; 137-38, 145-47, 154, 159, 163, 
164, 165, 166, 168-69, 21 6, 225 , 228, 
241, 260, 274, 322 
George, Prince, 286ft 
Georgia(ns), 4, 43-44, 136, t8i, 183, 218 
Getiisiin, 297 
Ghajarchi, 314ft 
Gharcha, see Gharchistan 
Gharchistan, 26, 142 
Ghazan, Il-Khan, 4, 9, 1 1 , 24, 26, 33/2, 
102-103, 124, 129-30, 141-42, 168, 
329, 324, 329 

Ghazna (Ghaznin), 26, 123, 142, 144, 154 
Ghaznin, see Ghazna 
Ghiyath al-Din, Sultan, 48-50 
Ghiyath al-Din Kai-Kusrau, 304 
Ghiyath al-Din Mas'ud, 304 
Ghiyath al-Din Yazdi, 50 



Ghoruq, 310, 314, 322 
Ghulam Sam-Jing, 299 
Ghur, 26, 142 
Gia Dau, 229 
Gilte, 312 
Gim-Jim, 242 
Ging, 277 
Giogiu, 276/2 
Giran, 46 

Godon, see Koten, son of Ogedei 
Golden Horde, g, 10, 119-30 
Goli (Kao-li; Korea), 274, 274/2, 282, 
282/2, 284 
Great Yasa, 74, 77 
Great Yurgi, 59 
Guchen, 94/2 
Giin, 278 

Gurban-Bogdo, 64/2 
Gurban-Saikhan, 64/2 
Guvashir, 49 

Guyiik, Great Khan, 9, 19, 32, 55, 56, 
59, 69, 107-108, 120-21, 143, 169, 170; 
history of, 174-93; his descendants, 
175; his reign, 176-86; his character, 
187-88; 201 

Habash ‘Amid, 154, 156 
Habil-Temur, 139 
Haithon, 217/2 
Hajjilar, 52 
Hakari, 48/2 

Hakkar (mountains), 48 
Ha-la-ta-t‘ai. 27/2 
Hamadan, 3, 89, 232 
Hamid al-Din, 295 
Han (river), 290 
Hanchung (Nancheng), 323/2 
Hangchow, see Khingsai 
Han turn, son of Asutai, 198 
Hantum Noyan, 23, 248, 262, 266, 269, 
279, 292, 297 
Harput, 45/2 
Harqasun, 204 
Harran, 193 

Hasan, brother of Lach'in Finjan, 283 

Hasan, son of the Emir Ahmad, 293 

Hasan Finjan, 283 

Hasankeyf, 233/2 

Hatim, 93 

Hennin, 185 

Herat, 26, 139, 154/2, 165 
Heretics, see Isma‘ilis 
He’iigetei, 270 

H'ila (Ili) (river), 259, 259/2 

Hims, 192 

Hin, 278 

Hindu, 1 1 4 

Hindu Zo-Cheng, 294 

Hisn Kaifa, 233 

History of China, 40/2, 270/2, 284/2 

History of the Franks, 8 

History of India, 8 

History of Khitai, 40 

History of Oghuz and the Turks, 8 

•Hobegediir, 35 

Ho-chung, see *Hojanfu Balqasun 
Ho’eliin Eke, 169 
Ho-shi, 22/2, 323/2 

*Hojanfu Balqasun (Ho-chung, Puchow), 

34 , 34 * 

Holaqai, 109/2 
Hoqatur, 55 
Hoqalqu, 136 
Hoqotai, 297 
Hoqu, 20, 25, 175, 264 
Horqadai, 142 
Ho-ta Ch'ii-lin, 210/2 
Hsi Hsia, 18/2 

Hsiang-yang fu, see Sayan-Fu 

Hsien, 278/2 

Hsien-mo, 278/2 

Hsing-tsai so, 282/2 

Hsuan-wei sse, 280 n 

Huai (Tsingyang), 146/2 

Hiigechi, 224 

Hujan, 100 

Huhehot, 146/2 

Hujir, 154/2 

Hujir, 44 

Hulachu, son of Asutai, 198 
Hulachu, son ofYobuqur, 31 1 
Hulan-Degeleten, 34, 166 
Hulaqur, 256, 262, 264 
Hiilegii, Il-Khan, 9, 104, 105/2, 122-23, 
136, 159, 161, 198, 204, 223, 251, 252, 
261-62, 265, 305, 308, 312 
Hiilegii, son of Orda, 100, 106-107 
Hiile’ii, 106 
Hu-lin, 197/2 
Huludai, 198 
Hulwan, 232 

Hungarians, see Majar and Keler 
Hungary, invasion of, 56-57, 69-71 
Husam al-Din Khalil, 231-32 
Husain, son of the Emir Ahmad, 293 
Husam al-Din Qaimari, 46, 233 



Husam al-DIn Sam-Jing, 282 
Hiishijin, 244 

Hiishin (people), see Ushin (people) 
Hushyar, 233 

Hwai Ho (Khui Kho; Quiqa Moren) 
(river), 229, 22 922, 248, 248x2 

Iaci, 226, 28322 

Ibaqa Beki, 65-66, 99 

Ibir-Sibir, 107 

Iblis (Satan), 213 

Ibn Hajar of Ascalon, 6 

Ibn Ma‘ali, 294 

Ibrahim, son of Jalib, 291 

I- ch‘i-pu-hsieh, 272 n 
Idhuq, 206 n 
Idi-qut, 215 

Ika (Oka) (river), 59 
Ikibiize, 272 

Ikires (people), 197, 223, 256 

Ilaq-Temiir, 1 1 1 

Ila’udar, 162 

Ila’udur, 71 

Ila’u't, 70 

II- Buyan, 25 
Ilgen, 101, 102 

Ili (river), see Hxla (river) 

Il-Khan, 128 
Ilyas, 105 

India, 55, 83, 183, 285, 305 

Indian(s), 7, 85, 247, 272 

Indus (river), 147, 165 

Injii, 156 

Injii, 293 

Iraghui, 31 1 

Irakhta, 163 

Iran, 4; see also Persia 

Iraq, 4 

‘Iraq, see ‘Iraq-i ‘Ajam 
‘Iraq-i ‘Ajam, 43, 47, 74, 89, 18 1, 183, 
218, 220 

Irbil, 50, 191, 192, 233 
Irezan (Ryazan), 59, 5gn 
Irqai, 323 

Irtysh (river), see Erdish (river) 

‘Isa Tarsa Kelemechi, 294, 330 
Isfahan, 43, 48, 218, 306 
Isfarayin, 53 
Ishal, 137 
Ishten, 1 1 3 
Isma‘11, shiikiirchi, 297 
Isma‘ilis, 8, 10, 183, 223 
Isten, 1 1 3 n 

It-Buqa, 267-68 
It-Qutluq, 313 

‘Izz al-Din, Sultan, 1 9 1 , 233, 304 
‘Izz al-Din Ai-Beg, Mamluk Sultan, 
234 - 35 = 304 

‘Izz al-Din Ai-Beg, slave of Malik Ashraf, 
44, 46 

Jabal Hamrin, 191 

Jabqan Moren (river), see Dzabkhan 

Jadamishi, 36 n 
Jadaran, 101x2 
Ja‘farlya, 233 

Jagambo (Ja-gambo), 99, 103x2, 159 
Jaghan, 183, 216 
Jaghatu (river), 123 
Jahn, Karl, 7, 8 
Jajarm, 53 

Jajirat (tribe), 101, 104 
Jalal al-Din, Sultan, 33, 3522, 43-48, 147, 

Jalal al-Din Khujandi, 220 

Jalal al-Din Soyurghatmish, 305-306 

Jalayir (people), 145, 312, 314 

Jalayirtai, 140-41, 152-53 

Jalayirtai, son ofYekii, 114 

Jamal al-Din Qush-Temur, 190-91 

Jaman (river), 57 

Jami‘ al-Tawarikh , 4, 7-13 

Jamuqa, 9822 

Jand, 269 

Jangi, 2 1 1 

Jangqi Kiiregen, 314 
Jangqut, 106 
Japan, ttejimingu 
Jaqurchin, 197 
Jasa’ul, 312 
Jaugan, 224 
Ja’uqan, 1 1 1 

Jauqut, 225, 246, 248, 249, 251, 273 
Ja’utu, 162, 224, 249, 252, 262 
Ja’utu Noyan, 312, 313-14 
Java, 272, 29922 
Jawad, the Shi‘a Imam, 308 
Jayaq (river), see Ural (river) 

Jebe, 108, 315 
Jedei, 3622 

Jelingii (mountains), 64 

Jen, 278 

Jerge, 34, 35 

Jews, 3, 7, 8, 22022 

Jibik-Temur, 21, 250, 252, 262-64 



Jihik, 64 

Jih-pcn kuo, 284?! 

Jim-Gim, 242, 288, 292, 293, 299, 301, 319 

Jimingu (Japan), 284 

Jimsa, 94 n 

Jing-Din-Fu, 165 

Jingju, see Yangju 

Jiretei, 104 

Jirghalang, see Jirqalan 
Jirghudai, 144 

Jirqalan (Jirghalang), 297, 320, 324 
Jo, 278 

Jochi, 9, 16, 18; history of, 97-131; his 
early life, 97-99; his descendants, 99- 
1 1 6 ; his career, 117-19; his successors, 

119-3°; '37, 146-47, >65 
Jochi-Buqa, 1 1 1 
Jochi-Qasar, 55 
Jochiti, 9811 

J°ge, 1 13, '27, ‘28, 129 
Joge Khatun, 100 

Jo-Jiu (Joju; Cho-chou; Chohsien), 146, 
14611, 164, 16411, 276, 27611 
Jorike, 159, 160 
Jourdain, J., 30811 
Jumqur, 253, 259, 312 
Junan, 4011 

Jungdu (Peking), 23, 227, 249, 251, 274 
Jungqur, 286, 326 
Jungshan, 242 
Jurbad, 53 

Jiirche, 33, 39, 281-82, 284 
Jiirchedei, 6511 
Juvain, 53 

Juvaini (historian), 10, 66 

Kabud-Jama, 52 
Kafan, 4711 
Kafje-Guh, 272, 285 
Kagaml'ik, 129 
Kahka, 26 

Kaifeng, see Namging 
Kai-Ming-Fu, see Kemin-Fu 
K‘ai-p‘ing fu, see Kemin-Fu 
Kamala, 242, 320, 321-22 
Kambala, 285 
Kamil, Malik, 50 
Kanba, 302 
Kan chow, see Qamju 
Kandar, 244, 272 
Kansu, 18 n 

Kao Ho-chang, 12, 28 gn 
Kao-chu-li, 282 n 

Kao-li, see Goli 
Kapan, 47a 
Kashghar, 94, 254, 259 
Kashmir, 38, 55 
Ked-Temur, 116 
Kehetei, of the Siildiis, 314 
Kehetei, of the Urut, 65, 225 
Keler, 57 

Keler, 70-71, 129 
Keles, (Oi, 102 
Kelin, 1 1 8 

Kelmish-Aqa, 124, 216, 160, 312 
Keliiren (Keriilen) (river), 2911, 200, 202, 
204, 286, 322 

Keliiren (Onan-Keliiren), 29, 30 
Kemin-Fu (Kai-Ming-Fu), 252, 25212, 
276-77, 3°i, 321 
Kem-Kemchi’iit, 214, 254, 322 
Keng (Qa’an-Keng; Yangtse) (river), 12, 
226, 22611, 227, 22g, 248, 272 
Kerei Ba’urchi, 296, 297 
Kereiche, 1 1 6 
Kereidei, 314 

Kereit (tribe), 97, 103, 104 
Kerimbu, 55 

Keriilen (river), see Keliiren (river) 

Kerman, 4911 

*Kesege, 207-209, 217 

Keshikten , \\n 

Ket-Buqa, 305 

Kezikten, 41 

Khabis, 68 

Khqftan, 44 

Khainam, 285 

Khaishang, son of Asutai, 286-87, 327 

Khaishang, son of Tarmabala, 242 

Khalajan, 323 

Khalil, 105 

Khan Siman, 226 

Khanaqin, 232 

Khan-Baliq (Peking), 249, 274-76, 281, 

Khangai mountains, 21411 
Khangin-Daba, 25411 
Khar-Banda, 25—26 
Khartabirt, 45 

Khingsai (Hangchow), 282, 28211, 330 
Khitai (North China), 21, 23, 33-41, 42, 
78, 94, 145-46, 164-65, 166-67, 181, 
183, 189, 216, 220 

Khitayans (North Chinese), 78, 89, 288, 
289, 291-92, 323 
Khogshin Gol (river), 6311 



Khoi, 46 
Khoja, emir, 263 
Kho-Si, 323 
Khotan, 259 
Khucha-Boldaq, 256 
Khuda-Banda, 25?! 

Khul, 104/2 

Khui-Kho (river), see Hwai Ho (river) 
Khulanjan, 232 
Khuming, 146 

Khurasan, 25-26, 28, 51-53, 72-75, 89, 
105, 139, 141, 152, 165, 177, 181, 183, 
218, 220 

Khurramabad, 232/i 
Khutan, 94 
Khuzistan, 48 

Khwaja, son of Giiyiik, 20, 175, 186, 200, 
204, 213, 214, 216 
Khwaja, son of Musalman, 105 
Khwaja Sami, 322 
Khwaja Temur, 114 
Khwarazm, 51, 104, 118, 122, 126, 146, 
147, 218, 258 
Khwarazmi, 1 1 4 
Khwarazmis, ig2 
Kiangling, 55/2 
Kichik-Qonichi, 113 
Kiev, see Men-Kermen 
Kilan, 46/2 
Kines, 1 1 2 

Kinjanfu (Sian), 283, 283/!, 323, 323 n 
Kiraly, 57/! 

Kirdi-Buqa, 113 

Kirman, 49, 68, 181, 183, 191, 192, 218, 

235. 3°5-3° 6 

Kisa, 228 

Kitab al-Ahya wa'l-Athdr, 7 
Kobek, 313 

Kobuk (river), see Qobaq (river) 

Kochii, 21, 55, 180 
Kochii Khatun, 109 
Kodon, see Koten, son of Ogedei 
K‘o-hsieh-chieh, 207 n 
Kokechu, father of Bayan, 270 
Kokechu, son of Bai-Temur, 1 1 6 
Kokechii, son of Berkecher, 1 1 o 
Kokechii, son of Menglik Echige, 3 1 4 
Kokechii, son of Subedei, 225 
Kokedei, 33/2 

Kokejin, wife of Jim-Gim, 299, 301, 319, 
320-21, 324-25, 329, 330 
Kokejin, wife of Temiir-Buqa, 106 
Kokelun, 103 

Koke-Na’ur, 63, 180 
Koketei, 33 

Kokbchii, 244, 266, 286, 320, 322, 326 
Kokteni, 104 
Kokuli, 282/2 

Kolgen, 34, 59, 201, 254, 255, 256 
Kolomna, 59/2 

Konchek, son of Saricha, 116 
Konchek, son of Tartu, 109, 124 
Konchek Dorji, 144 
*Kongi, see Chin-Kalan 
Korea, see Goli and Solanga 
Korgiiz, governor of Khurasan, 53, 72- 
75, 177, 18^-90 

Kdrgiiz Kiiregen, 286, 322, 326-28 
Kose-Dagh, Battle of, 304 
Kosel-Iske (Kozel’sk), 60, 60/2 
Kondelen-Mangqutai, 114 
Kopal, 30/2 

Koten, Qipchaq prince, 71, 176 
Koten (Kodon; Godon), son of Ogedei, 
20, 20 n, 169, 170, 177, 1 81 
Ko’iinen, 198 
Kozel’sk, see Kosel-Iske 
Kiichliig, 3 1 1 n 

Kiich-Temiir, son of Orug-Temiir, 28 
Kiich-Temiir, son of Siibiigetei, 113 
Kiichiigiir (people), 31 1 
Kiichiik, son of Toqdai, 1 1 1 
Kiichiik, son of Tiimeken, 104 
Kiiiliik, son of Temur-Buqa, 24, 100, 101, 
102, 106, 329 

Kiiiliik, son ofYesii-Buqa, 114 
Kiiiteni, 198 
Kuje’ur, 74 

Kul-Bolat, 51-53, 72-73 
Kulkanlik, 129/2 
Kuliik, 159 
Kiinges, 109/2 
Kung-tsung, 272/2, 287/2 
Kunming, see Yachi 
Kurds, 234 
Kiirdiinjin, 306, 307 
Kiiregen, 223/2, 224 
Kiiresbe, 28 
Kiirk, 1 13 
Kiishliig, 31 1, 312 
Kiiyen, 20 
Kiiyiik, 174/2 
Kweisui, 146/2 

Lachin Finjan, 283, 297 
Lahore, 123 



Lahuri, 28 
Lakz, 43 
Lang-Ten, 276 
Lais, 280 
Lanjun, 279 
Laujang, 245 
Laz, 43 n 
Leng-qish, 330 
Leninsk, 33 n 
Levy, Reuben, 288 m 
L ezghians, 43« 

Liang-Tien, 276/2 

Linfen, see Pung-Yang-Fu 

Linqum Khatun, 160, 312 

Linqun Khatun, see Linqum Khatun 

Li-ssu, 280 n 

Li-tsung, 42M, 303/2 

Liu Pan Shan (mountains), 225 

Lizun, 42, 67, 189, 303 

Lochak, 285 

Lord of Islam, see Ghazan 
Lori, 43/2 
Lot, 38 

Lii Wen-huan, 229/2 
Lu Wen-te, 229M 
Lukin, 2gg 

Lukin-Fu (Lung-hsing fu; Nanchang), 
283, 283/2, 285 
Lung-hsing fu, see Lukin-Fu 
Lur, see Luristan 
Luristan, 48, 181, 183, 2t8 
Lusa, 280 
Lu-ssu, 280/2 

Machin, 23, 39, 42, 55, 67, 189 
Madrasa-yi ‘Adudiya, 307 
Magas, 56, 60 
Maghrib, 50, 235, 306 
Maharaz, 247 

Mahmud, son of Melik-Temur, 313 
Mahmud, Sultan, of Ghazna, 8 
Mahmud, Shah, 72 

Mahmud Yalavach, 68, 83, 88, 94, 177, 
183, 206, 212, 218 
Majar (Magyar), 55, 56, 70 
Majar, son of Shiban, hi, 1 12 
Majar, son of Shingqur, 1 14 
Majar, son ofSiibiigetei, 113 
Majar, son of Tode’iir, 1 1 4 
Maji, 127 
Makar, 59 
Malabar, 272/2 
Malik ‘Adil, 192 

Malik Mu'azzam, 233-34 

Malik Salih, 191, 233 

Malik Temur, 103 

Maliki * I dechi, 315 

Mamluks, 4, 5, 10, 234-35, 304-305 

Manbij, 192 

Manchuria, 33/2; see Jiirchc 
Mangqala, 243 
Mangqut (people), 118, 225 
Mangu, ig6n 

Manzi (Polo’s Mangi ; Chinese Man-tzu ; 
southern China), 183; conquest of, 
270-73, 290-91, 322 
Manzitai, 267 
Maqabalin, 242, 319 
Maqudai, 101 
Maqut, 10 in 
Mardln, 193, 233 
Maruchuq, 25, 153, 165 
♦Maski, 209 

Mas‘ud Beg, 94, 156, 177, 181, 183, 218, 

Mas'ud Lanjun, 322 
Matau, 278 
Ma-t‘ou, 278M 
Ma’u-Bal'igh, 13 7 m 
M a’u-Qurghan 137 

Mazandaran, 50, 51, 52, 68, 104, 141, 
192, 218, 235, 306 
Mazim, 278 
Mekriiti, 60 
Mela, 25M 

Melik, son of Ogedei, 28, 178, 207, 217 
Melik, son ofTode’ur, 114 
Melik-Temur, 161, 266-69, 310-13; his 
officers, 313-15 
Meng (Menghsien), 146M 
Mengeser, 138, 207, 209, 21 1, 215 
Menghsien, see Meng 
Mengli Oghul, see Melik, son of Ogedei 
Menglik Echige, 169 
Mengii, ig6n 
Mengu-Temiir, 23 
Men-Kermen, 69, 201 
Mergen, in, 1 12 

Merkit (people), i8m, 97, 101, 103, 243, 

Merv, 152, 165 
Meshed, 8, 176 
Meyadin, 4 

Mieczyslaw, Duke of Opole, 70/1 
Miftah al- Tafasir, 6 
Mighan, 105M 


Mihtar Hasan Akhtachi, 323 
Mindor, 43 

Mingqan, son of Melik-Temiir, 313 

Mingqan, son of Quli, 104, 105 

Mingqadur, 1 1 3 

Mingqutai, 1 1 1 

Mingtash, 144 

Minqa-Temiir, 267 

Minquli, 92 

Minshar, 233ft 

Miran-Shah, 5 

Mishkin, 47 n 

Mishlav, 70 

Mithqal, 92 

Mochi, son of Baiju, 144 
Mochi-Yebe, 135, 136 
Mo’etii, 136 

Mo’etiiken, 135, 137-38, 149 
Moge, father of Yesiin Noyan, 145 
Moge, son of Tolui, 159, 162, 202, 204, 
209, 224, 241, 249, 251 
Moge Khatun, 8 1 , 176 
Moge Noyan, 2 1 4 
Moghan Steppe, 47 n 
Moksha, 59ft 
Molaqai, 109 
Moldavia, 70 n 
Mongedii, see Mongetii 
Mongetii, 20, 204 

Mongke, Great Khan, 9, 11, 21-22, 23, 
54> 55, 56, 58-61, 99, 103 ft, 107-108, 
121, 138, 143, 149-50, 159, 170, 191; 
history of: 196-237; his descendants, 

1 97-99; his accession to the Khanate, 
199-207; plot against, 207-10; his 
trial of conspirators, 210-15; his sup- 
pression of rebels, 216; his bestowal of 
honours, 217; organization and ad- 
ministration of the Empire, 218-22; 
his expeditions to China and western 
Asia, 222-27; death of, 227-29; his 
munificence, 236-37; 246-48 
Mongke-Qalja, 225 

Mongke-Temur, ruler of the Golden 
Horde, 108, 109, 123-24, 160, 197, 266 
Mongke-T emiir, son of Hulegii, 306 
Mongols, 4, 7, 8, 46-48, 84, 190-91, 
i9 2 -93, 216, 231-33 
Mordvins, 59a 
Moscow, 59a 
Mo-so (people), 246;; 

Mosul, 50, 68, 1 81 , 191, qi8, 233, 304, 

Mu’aiyid al-Daula ‘Urdi, 308 
Mu'azzam, Malik, 50 
Mubarak, 104 

Mubarak-Shah, of Damghan, 295, 327 
Mubarak-Shah, son of Ahmad, 136 
Mubarak-Shah, son of Qadan-Ebiik, 28 
Mubarak-Shah, son of Qara-Hulegii, 
! 39, M2, 151, 153-54, 265 
MudarrisI, M., 8 
Mughan, 47 

Muhammad, the atabeg, 306—307 
Muhammad, the Prophet, 7, 79 
Muhammad, son of Baraka Khan, 192 
Muhammad, son of Jochi, 99, 1 15 
Muhammad, son of Oriig-Temur, 28 
Muhammad Shah, official of the Great 
Khan, 297 

Muhammad Shah, wrestler, 89-90 
Mu‘in al-DIn Parvana, 304 
Mujahid al-DIn Ai-Beg, 192, 232 
Mujir al-Din, 44, 46 
Mukatabat-i Rashidi , 4 
Multan, 123 
Mu’min, 139 
Munkar, 44 

Muqali Guyang, 223, 248, 326 
Muqbil Finjan, 297, 330 
Murld-Toqdai, 1 1 1 
Mus, see Mush 
Musa, the Shl'a Imam, 308 
Musalman, 104, 105 
Mush (Muf), 45, 305 
Muslims, 78, 84, 92, 220, 283, 294-97, 

Mustafa, i.e., the Prophet Muhammad, 

al-Mustansir bi’llah, Caliph, 43, 46, 68, 
i9°-9 J 

Mustansiriya College, 68 
al-Musta‘sim bi’llah, Caliph, 191, 231—33 
MuzafTar al-Din Hajjaj, 305-306 
Muzaffar al-Din Kok-Bdri, 50 
Muzaffar al-Din Sa‘d ibn Zangi, 50 

Nachin Kiiregen, 224, 245, 252, 256 
Naimadai, 250, 251 

Naiman (people), 105, 145, 241, 31 1, 313 
Naimas, 47 

Nairaqu-Buqa, see Naira’u-Buqa 
Naira’u-Buqa, 161, 310—13 
Naishi, 143 

Najm al-Din Ghazi I, 233ft 
Najm al-Din Gllabadi, 231 

3 Sl 


Nakhshab, 165 
Nali'ghu, 139 
Naliqo’a, 144 
Naliqu, 2g7, 320 
Narabui, 245 
Namgin, see Namging 
Namging (Namgin; Nan-ching; Kai- 
feng), 34, 34x2, 39-40, 166, 249, 249x2, 

Nanchang, see Lukin-Fu 
Nan-Chia, 22 n 
Nan-ching, see Namging 
Nangiyadai, 286, 326 
Nangiyas, 22, 29, 39-41, 55, 223-30, 
246-48, 270-73 
Nangkichar, 1 1 1 
Nankow pass, 275 n 

Naqu, 20, 175, 186, qoo, 204, 207, 209, 
213, 216 
Narin, 266 

Narin-Qadan, 224, 249, 250, 251, 252, 

Nariqi( ?), 25 
JVasij, 85 

Nasir al-Din, 279, 288 

Nasir al-Din Malik Kashghari, 294 

Nasir al-Din Tusi, 308-309 

al-Nasir li-Din Allah, Caliph, 42-43, 

48-49, 3 0 8-3 o 9 

Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf, 181x2, 305 

Nauruz, the Emir, 24, 28, 141 

Naya, 144 

Nayan, 286, 298 

Nayan Khatun, 312 

Nayan Kiiyukchi, 286 

Nayanqa Kiiregen, 3x1 

Negodar, 123x2 

Negiibei, son of Qaragir, 1 16 
Negiibei, son of Sarban, 140, 143, 153, 
154, 257, 258 

Negiider, general, 123, 154 
Negiider, wife of Melik-Temiir, 31 1 
Nendiken, 104, 105 
Merge, 214 

Nerghi, plain of, 128x2 
Nescradin, 288x2 
Nicaea, 304x2 
Nigudaris, 139x2 
Ningsia (Yinchwan), 323x2 
Niqiya, 304 
Nishapur, 51, 165, 218 
Nisibin, 191 
Nogai, 1 13x2 

Maker, 163 
Nom-Dash, 144 

Nomoghan, daughter of Ariq Boke, 31 1 
Nomoghan, son of Qubilai, 23, 162, 197, 
243, 244, 266, 299, 313, 323 
Nom-Quli, son of Chiibei, 144 
Nom-Quli, son of Mochi-Yebe, 136 
Noqai, governor of Canton, 283 
Noqai, son of Charuq, 104 
Noqai, son of Tatar, 102, 113, 123, 125- 
30, 160, 269 

North Korea, see Solanga 
Nosal, 51, 72, 73 
Nushlnravan, 93 
Nushlrvan, 93x2 

Nusrat al-Din, the ispahbad, 52 
Nusrat al-Din, malik of Sistan, 308 

Ocean-Sea, 256, 274, 284 

O chou, see Oju 

Occoday, 16x2 

Ochir, 154x2 

Odege, 31 1, 312 

Oge Khan, 100 

Ogede, 17x2 

Ogedei, Great Khan, 9, 13; history of, 
16—94; his wives, 18-19; his descen- 
dants, 19—28; his accession to the 
throne, 29-3 1 ; his issue of yasas and 
dispatch of armies, 32-33; his conquest 
of northern China, 33-41 ; his reception 
of Ch'in-Temur, 52-53; qunltai of 1235, 
54-55; his establishment of yams, 55— 
56, 62-63 ; his buildings and residences, 
61-65; his illness and death, 65-67; 
his examination of Korgiiz and his 
adversaries, 73-74; anecdotes about, 
77-94; 98, 107, 1 18, 137, 145-49, 155, 
156, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 
Ogetei Qa’an, see Ogedei 
Oghul-Qaimish, 20, 175, 185-86, 199, 
204, 213, 215 
Oghul-Qoimi'sh, 198 
Oghul-Tegin, 31 1, 312 
Oghuz, 7 
Ogodei, 1 6x2 
Oiradai, 26 

Oirat (people), 93, 256, 31 1, 313, 314 
Oiratai, 313 

Oju (Ochou; Wuchang), 12,229, 229x2, 
240, 250 

Oka, river, see Ika, river 
Oki Fujin, 107 


Olduqur Noyan, 3 1 2 
Oljei, concubine of Tiimeken, 104 
Oljei, son of Asutai, ig8 
Oljei, son of Buqa-Temiir, 1 39 
Oljei, son of Uriing-Tash, 1 g 7« 

Oljei, wife of Hiilegii, 198 

Oljei, wife of Mongke-Temiir, 109, 124 

Oljei Chingsang, 279, 297, 320, 322 

Oljei-Buqa, son of Asutai, 198 

Oljei-Buqa, son of Mubarak-Shah, 142 

Oljei-Temiir, 31 1 

Oljeitii, 11 -Khan, 4, 7, 25, 303 

Oljeitii Khatun, 109 

Olqunut (people), 198, 313 

Olqutu, son of Hiilegii, 106 

Olqutu, son of Mingqan, 105 

Oliig, 320 

Onan (Onon) (river), 2922, 200, 286, 322 
Onan-Keliiren, 2922, 121, 246 
Onankerule, 29?? 

Ong Sun, 41 
Onggirat, 1 7«, 97 n 

Ongin (Ongq'i Moren) (river), 6472, 254, 

Ong-Khan, 97-98, 10322 

Ongqi Moren (river), see Ongin (river) 

Ongqin (region), 64, 222 

Opole, yon 

Oqai, 314 

Oqal Qorchi, 177 

Oqotur, 5522 

Oqruqchi, son of Qubilai, 244, 320 
Oqruqchi, son of Toq-Temiir, 144 
Oradai, 139, 256 

Orda, 24, 30, 56, 59, 70, 99-100, 122, 
181, 182, 201, 202 
Orda-Tegin, 105 
Ordos Region, 1822 
Orengai, 10822 
Orghana, see Orqina 
Orghana Boke, 89 
Orkhan, 48 
Orkhon (river), 62 
Orman, 59 
Ormiigetii, 63 
Orona’ut (people), 31422 
Orqina, 138, 142, 143, 149-51, 07 , 251, 
252, 257, 258, 260-61, 265 
Oriig, son of Aji'q'i, 139 
Orug, son of Mu-min, 1 3g 
Oriig-Temiir, son of Ajiqi, 139 
Oriig-Temiir, son of Ananda, 243 
Oriig-Temiir, son of Buqa-Temur, 139 

Oriig-Temiir, son of Qaidu, 25 
Oriig-Temiir, son of Yebe, 28 
Orus, 24, 25, 55, 56, 59-60, 1 18, 125, 

Orus, son of Mingqadur, 1 1 3 

*Orutai, 178 

Ossetes, see As and Alans 

Ot, 163 

Otchi, 163 

Otchigin, brother of Genghis Khan, 30, 
31, 178, 180, 182 

Otchigin, nephew of Genghis Khan, 269 
Otchigin, 163 
Otegii-China, 123 
Otman, 1 12 

Otrar, 117-18, 146, 156, 165, 214, 261 
Outline of History, 13 
Oxus, river, 25, 46, 140, 254, 255 
Oz-Beg, son of Mingqadur, 113 
Oz-Beg, son of Mdngke-Temiir, 10922 
Oz-Beg-Qurtuqa, 113 
Ozkend, 269 

Padshah Khatun, 305-306 
Pahlavan, 296 
Panjab, 25 

Paonan, see Te-hsing fu 
Parahan, 306 
Parvan, 3522 
Patriarchs, 7 
P‘ei (Peichow), 16522 
Peichow, see P‘ei 

Peking, see Jungdu and Khan-Baliq 
Pelliot, Paul, 922 
Pereyaslavl’, 5922 

Persia, 7, 13, 33, 79, 108, 183, 218, 230 

Petrushevsky, I. P., 13 

Pianfu, 14622 

P'ing-chang, 27822 

P‘ing-yang fu, see Pung-Yang-Fu 

Po Hai, 27422 

Poles, 7022 

Polo, Marco, 12 

Popes, 7 

Puchow, see *Hojanfu Balqasun 
Pulad, 259 
Pu-lin-chi-tai, 21422 
Pulisanghin, 27622 

Pung-Yang-Fu (P‘ing-yang fu; Linfen), 
146, 14622 

Qa’an, see Ogedei 

Qa’an-Keng (river), see Keng (river) 



Qaban, Mountains, 47 
Qaban, son of Alghu, 144, 153, 265, 300 
Qabil-Temiir, 139 
Qachir-Ukula, 58-59 
*Qada Sengiim, 35 
Qadaghan, see Qadan, son of Ogedei 
Qada-Kiirin, 2 ion, 21 in 
Qadan, Chaghatai prince, 224, 256 
Qadan, of the Barulas, 3 1 1 
Qadan, son of Ja’utu Noyan, 314 
Qadan, son of Mongke-Temur, iog 
Qadan, son of Ogedei, 27-28, 56, 59-60, 
69, 70-7 1 > 217, 224, 249 
Qadan, wife of Quli, 104 
Qadan-Ebiik, 28 

Qadaq, atabeg of Giiyiik, 179, 184, 204, 

213. 215 

Qadaq, son of Mubarak-Shah, 1 42 

Qadaq, son of Shiban, 1 1 1 

Qadaqa, 314 

Qadaqach, 215 

Qadaqai, 135, 144 

Qadaqan, wife of Quli, 104, 105 

Qadaqchi Sechen, 139, 224 

Qahalqa , 35a 

Qahawur, 25 

Qaidu, 13, 22-24, 25, 28, 102, 103, 
139-42, 162, 175, 244, 255, 266, 285, 
298-99, 322 

Qal‘a-yi Sapid (White Castle), 50, 

Qalumtai, 1 1 3 
Qamjiu, see Qamju 

Qamju (Qamjiu; Kanchow), 283, 283H, 
323, 3 2 3” 

Qams, 38, 167, 215 
Qamtai, 3 1 1 
Qan-Buqa, 137 

Qandahar (Yunnan), 223, 247 
Qandar, 247 
♦Qanghai, 214 
Qankhitai, 2 1 1 
Qanqi Daban, 254 
Qanqli (Turks), 27, 208 
Qara Oghul, see Qara-Hulegii 
Qara-Balghasun, 63a 
Qara-Buqa, 259 
Qaracha, 51-52 
Qarachar, of the Barulas, 145 
Qarachar, son of Ogedei, 22 
Qarachar, son of Udur, 115, 251, 253 
Qara-Hulegii, 138, 142, 143, 149, 177, 
180, 182, 202, 204, 207, 213, 217 

Qara-Jang (Yunnan), 223, 244, 246, 
283, 285, 287-88 
Qara-Khitai, 51, 315 
Qara-Khocho (Qara-Khwaja ; Qara- 
Qocha), 94, 1 16, 286, 322, 328 
Qara-Khwaja, 116. 

Qaralju, 254 

Qara-Moren (Yellow River) (river), 34, 
34”, 3®, H 6 , 166, 249, 283, 290 
Qarantas, 302 
Qaranut (people), 31 1 
Qaraqir, 1 16 

Qara-Qocha, see Qara-Khocho 
Qara-Qorum, 61-62, 82, 84, 86, 89, 205, 
214, 253, 254, 258, 321-22, 327 
Qara-Tash, 88 

Qarauna(s), 139, 142, 144, 154a 
Qara’un-Jidun, 247, 255 
Qarshi (Ogedei’s palace in Qara- 
Qorum), 62, 63, 85 

Qarshi (Qubilai’s palace in Peking), 
Qashi, 22 
Qata Noyan, 135 
*Qata-Kiirin, 210 
Qataqin (people), 314 
Qayaliq, 30, 94, 214, 322 
Qazan, son of Ayachi, 1 05 
Qazan, son of Bay an, 1 16 
*Qazaq-Taq, 69, 70 
Qila, 71 

Qipchaq (people and country), 30, 33, 
37 n, 43-44, 55, 5 8 -59, 60, 71, 78, 89, 
106, 201, 312 

Qipchaq, son of Kokechii, 314 
Qipchaq, son of Qadan, 28, 140, 151-53 
Qipchaq Steppe, 54, 56, 69, 107, 117, 
1 18, 200 
Qiran, 60 

Qirim, 60, 127, 304 
Qirqin, 71 

Qirqlz (people), 214, 253, 254, 267, 284, 
293 , 322 
Qiyaq, 126 
Qizil-Buqa, 51 

Qiz-Malik (Queen Rusudani), 183 

Qobaq (Kobuk) (river), 19, 1911, 30 

Qocho, 94 n 

Qodu, ign 

Qoduqai, 109 

Qoduqan, iogn 

Qpl, 165 

Qoldaq, 114 



Qonggirat, 17 n, 97 n 
Qongqi'ran, 100, 105, 214 
Qongqotan (people), 314 
Qonichi, son of Sartaqtai, 24, 10 1 
Qonichi, son of Shiban, in, 112, 269 
Qonichi Noyan, 266 

Qonqirat (people), 17, 97, 99, 100, 101, 
104, 106, 107, 109, 126, 135, 31 1, 312, 

Qonquran, see Qongqiran 
Qonqurtaqai, 200 
Qorchi, Noyan, 224 
Qori (people), 11522, 293 
Qoridai, 243 
Qoriqch'i, 226 

Qoriqtai, son of Tekshi, 136 

Qoriqtai, son of Toghan, 137 

Qorqonaq Jubur, 223 

Qortichin Chaghan, 27 n 

Qorulas (Qorulat) (people), 31 1, 315 

Qorulat (people), see Qorulas (people) 

Qoruqchin, 243 

Qoshqar, 43 

Qotan, 137 

Qotai, 228 

Quatremere, Etienne, 6, 9 
Qubilai, Great Khan, 9, 13, 20, 21-22, 
23. i° 3 > ! 39 » 150. J 59 > l6l > l62 > ! 97 i 
198, 204, 205, 216, 223, 227, 229-30; 
history of, 24 1-3 15, his descendants, 
241-45; his campaigns in southern 
China, 246-52; revolt of Ariq Boke, 
252-65; his war with Qaidu, 266-69; 
his conquest of southern China, 270- 
73; his buildings, 273—77; his ministers, 
278-79; the frontiers of his empire, 
284-86; the princes in attendance on 
him, 286-87 ; his chief officers, 297-98 ; 
his war with Nayan, 298-99; his 
death, 303, 321 
Quduz, 305 
Quengianfu, 28312 
Quesitan, 41 « 

Quhistan, 165, 18 1 
Quian, 22612 
Quilon, 27222 
Quinsai, 28222 

Quiqa Moren (river), see Hwai Ho 

Quian Khatun, 19 
Quli, 100, 104, 122, 123 
Qum-Sengir, ign, 214 
Qundaqai, 228, 254 

Qundaqai *Khizanechi, 315 

Qunduz Egechi, 312 

Qunqan, 32 

Qupchur, 55, 220 

Quranmas, 60 

Qurbagha, 73, 177 

Qurbaqa, 269, 313 

Quril, son of Qaidu, 25 

Quril, son of Qipchaq, 28 

Qurin, 197/2 

Quri-Qochghar, 106 

Qurtaqachi, 105 

Qurtaqa, son of Qarachar, 1 15 

Qurtuqa, son of Shiban, 1 1 1, 1 12 

Qurtuqachuq, 1 14 

Qurumshi, son of Muqali, 224, 252 

Qurumshi, son of Orda, 100, 105, 251 

Qurumshi, son of Qadan, 28 

Qushchi, 208, 297 

Qushiqi, 143 

Qushman, 137 

Qush-Temur, 104 

Qushuq, 154-55 

Qutb al-Din, Sultan of Kirman, 68, 235, 

Qutb al-Din Samjing, 322 
Qutlu Khatun, 3 1 1 
Qutlu-Bai, 1 1 3 

Qutlugh-Buqa, son of Shiban, 1 1 1 
Qutlugh-Buqa, son of Tiimen, 105 
Qutlugh-Temiir, son of Sailqan, 1 12 
Qutlugh-Temiir, son of Tiimen, 105 
Qutlugh-Toqm'ish, 28/2 
Qutluqan, 114 
Qutlugh-Shah, 4 

Qutluq-Buqa, son of Korgiiz, 26, 105, 

Qutluq-Khwaja, son of Baraq, 26 
Qutluq-Khwaja, son of Du’a, 142, 144, 

Qutluq-Khwaja, son of Oriig-Temiir, 28 

Qutluq-Temiir, 136 

Qutluq-Shah, 142 

Qutluq-Temiir, 245 

Qutui, wife of Hiilegii, 100, 106, 312 

Qutui, wife of Mangqala, 243 

Qutujin, 106 

Qutula, 223 

Qutulun, 10 1, 102 

Qutulun Chaghan, 26-27, 27/2 

Qutuqa, 161 

Qutuqa Beki, 198 

Qutuqta, 31 1 



Qutuqtai, 197, 228 

Qutuqtu, son of Tolui, 159, 160, 312 

Qutuqu, brother of Toqta Beki, 243, 255 

Qutuqui, iog 

Qutuqu, see Shigi Qutuqu 

Qutuqu, son of Jochi-Qasar, 55 

Qutuqu, son of Orda, 1 00, 1 06 

Qutuqu Chingsang, 320 

Qutuqu Noyan, 314 

Rab‘-i RashidI, 5 

Rachewiltz, Igor de, 146ft, 225ft, 255H, 

Radkan, 309 

Rahbat al-Sham, 4 

Radi, 301-302 

Rashid al-Daula, 3-4 

Rashid al-Din (historian) : life of, 3-6 ; 

works of, 6-13; 220ft 
Rezaiyeh, 47ft 

Ricoldo da Monte Croce, 217 n 
Ruha, 193 

Rukn al-Din, governor of Canton, 283 
Rukn al-Din ‘Ala al-Daula, 307 
Rukn al-Din Qutlugh-Sultan, 68, 19 1, 

Rukn al-Din, Sultan, 181, 182, 191, 304 
Rum. 43» 5°> 68, 9°, 94> 181 , i8 3> ! 9C 
2 1 8, 233, 304 
Rus, 107 
Rusafa, 309 

Russia, campaigns in, 10, 56-61, 69; see 
also Rus and Orus 
Russians, see Rus and Orus 
Ryazan, see Irezan 

Sa’ari-Ke’er, 2ogn 
Sabir, 1 1 o 
Sa‘d, the atabeg, 306 
Sa‘d al-Din Savaji, 4 
Sadr al-Din Zanjani, 4 
Sahr, 232 
Sailqan, 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 
Sainaq, 1 1 2 
Sain-Malik-Shah, 73 
Saisi, 106 
Saianfu, 226ft 

Saif al-Din of Bakharz, 200, 258, 294 
Saif al-Din Taghachar Noyan, 282 
Saiyid Ajall, 279, 322 
Saiyid Ajall, son or grandson of, 287-88 
Saiyidi Ahmad, 232 

Saljidai Kiiregen, 109, 126, 127, 160, 312 

Salji’utai, 102 

Salji’utai Kiiregen, see Saljidar Kiiregen 
Saljuq-Shah, 307 

Samarqand, 1 18, 146, 1 5 1 , 165, 258, 259, 

Samarqand, i.e., Qum-Sengir, 121, 184, 

Samghar, 313 

Sami, 279 

Sam-jing, 279 

San Pass, 226ft 

Sang Yang Fu, see Sayan-Fu 

Sangbast, 26 

Sangin, river, 276 

Sangkan, river, 276ft 

Sangyambu, see Sayan-Fu 

Sanvisha, 280 

Saq'irchi, 116 

Saqsin, 33 

Saqtai, 314 

Sarab, 47ft 

Sarai, 122, 127 

Sarai-Buqa, son of Mongke-Temiir, 109 
Sarai-Buqa, son of Yesii-Buqa, 111 
Sarav, 47 

Sarakhs, 25, 26, 165 

Sarban, emir, 330 

Sarban, son of Chaghatai, 135, 143 

Sarban, son of Qaidu, 25-26, 28 

Sarban, son of Uriing-Tash, 197, 267-69 

Sarighshin, 33ft 

Saricha, 1 1 6 

Sari-Keher, 209 

Sarir, 43 

Sartaq, son of Batu, 108, 12 1, 122 

Sartaq, grandson of Sebe, 98 

Sartaq, uncle of Sorqadu Ba’urchi, 3 1 3 

Sartaq Noyan, 270-71 

Sartaq-Kiije’iir, 74ft 

Sartaq tai, 100-101 

Sarta’ul, 301 

Sarton, G., 308ft 

Saruk, 306ft 

Saruq Khatun, 160, 241 
Sas, Sasan, 70 
Sasi, 1 1 5 
Sasi'q, 1 1 3 

Sati, son of Ahmad, 139 
Sati, son of Chiibei, 144 
Satuq, 327 
Sati-Buqa, 102 
Satilmish, 104 
Saur (mountains), 66« 



Sa’uri(n), 6322 

Saxons of Transylvania, 7022 
Sayan-Fu (Sangyambu; Sang Yang Fu; 
Hsiang-yang fu; Siangyang), 12, 55, 
55 22, 226, 22622, 290-91, 2gg 
Sayin-Bugha, 162 
Sayin-Khan, 107, 126, 202 
Sayo (river), 57 n 
Sebe, 98 
Scieng, 279 n 
Sebilger, 161 
Sebkine, 22 
Sechen, 32 m 
Seeman, H. J., 30872 

Selenge (Selenga) (river), 216, 310, 322 
Seljuqs, 8 

Semeke Bahadur, 271 

Senge, 293, 297 

Serbs, yon 

Shabankara, 307 

Shadban, 137 

Shadi, son of Bayan, 102 

Shadi, son ofYoshmut, 150, 258 

Shadi Zo-Cheng, 294, 295 

Shafi, Muhammad, 7 

Shah, 103 

Shah ‘Alam, 306 

Shah Chungtai, 25 

Shah-Dad, 68 

Shahrazur, 232 

Shahristana, 51 

Shajar al-Durr, 30522 

Shams al-DIn, governor of Quhistan, 18 1 

Shams al-Din, malik of Sistan, 192, 308 

Shams al-Din, Sultan of Delhi, 305 

Shams al-Din Arslan-Tegin, 190 

Shams al-Din Kamargar, 73 

Shams al-Din Kart, 192, 308 

Shams al-Din Qunduzi, 330 

Shandai, 28922 

Shang-tu, 25222 

Shapur-Khwast, 232 

Sharaf al-Din Iqbal Sharabi, 190, 232-33 
Sharaf al-Din Khwarazmi, 72, 190 
Shasgaba, 244 
Shechektii, 152 
Sheng-wu ch‘ in-cheng lu, 1 1 
Shibaghuchi, 116 

Shiban, 30, 56, 57, 99, m-12, 181, 202 

Shiba’uchi (people), 322 

Shlgan, 232 

Shighaldash, 23 

Shigi Qutuqu, 35, 36 

Shih T‘icn-tse, 27122 

Shihab al-Din, governor of Quhistan, 18 1 

Shihab al-Din Ghazi, 193 

Shihab al-Din Qunduzi, 330 

Shilemun Bitikchi, 204, 214 

Shiliigelig, 257 

Shimultai, 256 

Shin Chaghan-Buqa, 38 

Shing, 279, 281-83 

Shinggiim, 99, 100, 108, 116 

Shingqur, 71, 99, 100, 114 

Shira, 179 

Shiraz, 83, 92, 306, 307 
Shiregi, of the Dorbet, 3 1 2 
Shiregi, son of Mongke, 103, 197, 198, 
262, 266-69 

Shiremun, son of Chormaghun, 184 
Shiremun, son of Kochii, ig, 21, 120, 
121, 170, 180, 1 8 1 , 201, 204, 207-10, 
213, 216 

Shiremun, son of Shingqur, 1 1 4, 262 

Shiremun Noyan, 136 

Shirgen-Na’ur, 257 

Shirin, 198 

Shirin Aqa, 312 

Shirvan, 123, 181, 183 

Shohsien, see Suq-Jiu 

Shonqurliq, 2722 

Shose, 34 

Shou-hsii, 3422 

Shousu, 42, 189 

Shuab-i Panjgdna, 8 

Shuju, 303 

Shiikurchi, 297 

Shundzhou, 30422 

Shuo-chou, see Suq-Jiu 

Sian, see Kinjanfu 

Siangyang, see Sayan-Fu 

Sinali, 276 

Sing-Ling, 276 

Siraj al-Din, 231 

Sira-Orda, see Sira-Ordo 

Sira-Ordo (Sira-Orda), 63, 6322 

Sirat, 129 

Sistan, 51, 52, 192, 235, 308 
Sodun, 252, 270, 312 
Sogetei, 159, 162 
Soghal Noyan, 104 
Solanqa, see Solanga 
Solanga (North Korea(ns)), 33, 41, 272, 
281-82, 287 

Solangqa(s), see Solanga 
Soldaia, 5522, 12722 



Soluqu, 106 
Soncara, 307 n 
Sorghan, emir, 21 1 
Sorghan, wife of Jochi, 99 
Sorqa-Buqa, 25 
Sorqadu Ba’urchi, 313 
Sorqoqtani Beki, 39, 51, 56, 99, 120, 12 1, 
159, 160, 168-71, 178, 180, 183, 185, 
186, 197, 199-200, 202, 215, 231, 241, 

Sose, son of Kochvi, 21, 287 
Sose, son of Durchi, 28 
Spies, Otto, 7821 
Split, 7122 
Siibe, 299, 326 

Stibedei, brother of Hiilegd, 27 n 
Stibedei (general), 33, 56, 57, 107, 183 
Siibetei, see Stibedei 
Stibiigetei, son of Tangqut, 112, 113 
Stibiigetei, son of Tolui, 159, 162, 266 
Successors of Genghis Khan, 10, 11-12, 13 
Suching, 282, 299 
Sudaq, 55 
Sufinjan, 279, 289 
Sulaiman Beg, 257 
Sulaiman-Shah, 232-33 
Suldtis (people), 114, 169, 170, 312, 314, 

Sultan Khatun, 109 
Sultaniya, 4 
Su‘luk, 52 
Suluq, g 1 
Sun, 278 

Sunchaq, 123, 279, 2g7 
Suqa Mulchitai, 56 

Suq-Jiu (Shuo-chou; Shohsien), 146, 

Surmish, 104 
Sut, 162 
Sutan, 127 
Stit-Kol, 259 
Suwar al-Aqalim, 8 
Svan, 43 

Syria, 43, 50, 68, 192, 304-305 
Szdsz, 70 n 

Tabiz, 5, 43, 46, 47, 103, 305, 308 
Tabudughur, 136 
Tacitus, the Emperor, 6 
T‘agawor, 304 n 

Taghachar, 204, 224, 225, 226, 227, 247, 
249, 250, 251, 252, 256, 262, 264, 286 
Tahamtan, 92 

Taianfu, 146a 
Taichi’utai, 229, 248 
Taidu, 27422 
Taifu, 22912, 278-79 
T'ai-fu, 278 n 

Taihang Shan (mountains), 14622 
T‘ai-hou, 242 n 
Taiju Kiiregen, 198 
Tai-Khu, 242 
Taiki, 287, 327 

Tai-Wang-Fu (Tayanfu; T‘ai-yiian fu; 

Yangku), 81, 146, 14622, 164, 164a 
T'ai-yuan fu, see Tai-Wang-Fu 
Taj al-Din Muhammad Salaya, 192 
Tajik(s), see Tazik(s) 

Takfur, 304 

Terken Khatun, 305-307 
Talan-Daba, 54 
Talaqan, 1 18, 147, 165 
T‘a-la-su, 10322 
Ta-li, 247 n 
Talib, 290 
Tama, 33 

Tamachi, 161, 310-13 
Tama-Toqdai, see Tama-Toqta 
Tama-Toqta (Tama-Toqdai), ill, 127 
Tan (Don) (river), 127 
Tanba, 302, 329-30 

Tangqut (country and people), 18, 1822, 
20, 21, 22, 29, 88, 99, 107, 147, 166, 
170, 241, 243, 247, 253, 254, 283, 286, 
320, 322, 323-25 

Tangqut, son of Jochi, 30, 56, 74, 112, 

Tangqut Bahadur (general), 33 

Tangut, see Tangqut 

Tanha (river), 70 

Taqachu, 114 

Taqai, 262 

Taqi al-Dm, 46 

Taqighu, 14722 

Taqut, 70, 1 01 22 

Tarai Ktiregen, 2722 

Tara n Noyan, 312 

Taraqai, 312 

Ta’rikh-i Ghazani, 8, 8, 13 

Ta'rikh-i Jahan-Gusha, 1 1 

Tariyaji, 114 

Tarkhan, 217, 252 

Tarkhan, 279, 297, 299, 322 

Tarku, 12822 

Tarmabaia, 242 

Tartu, 108 



Tartar (people), 104, 1 14, 320 
Tatar, son of Bo’al, 113 
Tatqara, 60 
Ta-tu, 274« 

Taunal, 2 1 1 

Taunal the Younger, 21 1 
Tayan yams, 55, 62-63 
Tayanfu, see Tai-Wang-Fu 
Tayir Bahadur, 52 
Tayir, Usun, 18 

Tazik(s), 23, 90, 117, 118, 146, 165, 183, 
223, 230, 252, 255, 278, 279, 289, 296, 
299; 3*5; 322 
Tegin, 163 
Tegiider, 136 

Te-hsing fu (Paonan), 164?! 

Teke Finjan, 279, 2g7, 322, 330 
Tekne, 102 

Tekshi, son of Bochek, 162 
Tekshi, son of Mochi-Yebe, 126 
Temuder, 136 
Temiige, xoi, 102 
Temiige-Otchigin see Otchigin 
Temiijin, i6n 

Temiir, messenger of Korguz, 74 
Temiir, son of Nali'ghn, 139 
Temur Noyan, 200 

Temiir Oljeitu, Great Khan, 9, 13, 21, 
161, 170, 242, 276, 279, 301-303, 31 1 ; 
history of, 318-30; his descendants, 
319; his accession, 320— 21 ; his relations 
with Ananda, 324-25; his war with 
Qaidu, 326-29; influenced by Tanba 
Bakhshi, 329-30 

Temiir Qa’an, see Temiir Oljeitu 
Temiir-Buqa, son of Hiilegu, 106 
Temiir-Buqa, son of Oqruqchi', 244, 320 
Temiir-Qahalqa (Buzghala Defile), 165 
Temiir-Qahalqa (Darband), 61, 71, 107 
Temiir-Qahalqa (Talki Defile), 259 
Temiirtei, 112 
Tenge, 296 

Terek, river, 111, 123 
Tergen, 288, 292 
Te’iilder, 136 

Tiao-yii shan (mountains), 226/1 
Tibet, 33, 34, 38, 55, 166, 244, 247, 385, 

Timur, 5 
Ti-ping, 272/z 
Tirmidh, 165 
Tisa (river), 70 
Tishi-Taishi, 242, 319 

Tisza (river), yon 
Tobaqana, 100 
Todechii, 114 

Todeken, son of Mongke-Temiir, 109 
Todeken, son of Yesii-Buqa, 114 
Tbde-Mongke, 108, 109-10, 124, 269, 
299 , 323 

Toden, son of Baiju, 138 
Toden, son of Qaidu, 25 
Tode-Temiir, 103 
Tode’iir, 1 14 
Tod liken, 1 13 

To’eles (people), see Togeles (people) 
Togan, A. Z. V., 8 
Togeles (To’eles) (people), 1 1 5, 1 15/1 
Tdgen, 135, 144 
Toghan, emir, 21 1 
Toghan, son of Mochi-Yebe, 137 
Toghan, son of Qubilai, 245, 282, 285, 
320, 322 

Toghan, son of Tekshi, 136 
Toghan-Buqa, 28a 

Toghanchar, son of Ebiigen Kiiregen, 
1 12 

Toghanchar, son of Melik, 28/1 
Toghril (Ong-Khan), 97 n 
Toghril, son of Burtaq, 315 
Toghril (Toghrilcha), son of Mongke- 
Temiir, 124 
Toghrilcha, 109 
Togiiz, 286 
Toina, 322, 330 
Tokme, 20, 25, 175 
Tokoto, see Tung-Cheng 
Tole-Buqa, son of Qadaq, 1 1 1 
Tole-Buqa, son of Tartu, 109, 124, 125 
Toles, 1 15 
Tolobuga, 109/1 

Tolui, 9, 17, 18, 30, 31, 33-39, 56, 98, 
1 45-47, history of, 159-71 ; his descen- 
dants, 159-62; his career, 163-68; his 
wife Sorqoqtani, 168-71, 198, 199, 228 
Tonking, 272 n 
Tonquz, 72, 73 
To’oril, g7 n 

Topkapi Sarayi Library, 8 
Toqan, messenger, 230, 250 
Toqan, son of Melik, 28 
Toqan Akhtachi, 315 
Toqan-Buqa, 28 
Toqanchar, 116 
Toqashi, 213 

Toqa-Temiir, son of Hulegii, 106 



Toqa-Temiir, son of Jochi, 30, 99, 100, 
1 15-16, 181, 202, 217 
Toqdai, 1 1 1 
Toqiqonqa, 108, no 
Toqlucha, 113 
Toqolqu Cherbi, 36, 38, 167 
Toqoqan, 108 

Toqta, ruler of Golden Horde, 9, 24, 100, 
102-103, I0 9> I! 4> 124-30, 160 
Toqta, son of Baraq, 139 
Toqta, son of Chiibei, 144 
Toqta, son of Nayan, 286 
Toqta Beki, 243 
Toqtaq, 320 

Toq-Temiir, of the Besiit, 102 

Toq-Temiir, son of Baidar, 144 

Toq-Temiir, son of Berkecher, no 

Toq-Temiir, son of Sogetei, 13, 162, 266 

Toq-Temiir Ktiregen, 313 

Toqto, iogn 

Toqto’a, 19 n 

Toqu, 28 

Toquch, 1 13 

Toquluqan, 101 

Toquz, emir, 263, 264 

Toquz, son of Tangqut, 112, 113 

Torai, 113, 127, 129 

Tore, wife of Melik-Temiir, 312 

Tore Oghul, 287 

Toregene, 18-ig, 120, 121, 170, 175, 176, 
178-79, 1 81, 189, 201 
Torelchi, 313 

Tdre-Temiir, son ofja’utu, 162 
Tore-Temiir, son of Mubarak, 104 
Torghu, 290 
Torzhok, 5g« 

Toshi, 51 
Totaq, 22, 224 
Totoq, 207, 209, 264 
Totqa'ul, 297, 330 
Toyin, 220 

Transoxiana, 156, 177, 181, 183 
Trav, 7 m 

Travels of Marco Polo, 1 o 
Trogir, 71 n 
Ts‘ai-chou, 40a 
Tsingyang, see Huai 
Tsuan-tsung, 272/2 
Ts‘un, 278 n 
Tu, 277/i 

Tiibshin, son of Bochek, 162 
Tiibshin, son of Tarai Kiiregen, 27 n 
Tiige, 113, 127, 128, 129 

Tiigen, 1 1 1 
Tiikel, 1 15 

Tiikel-Buqa, son of Qutuqtu, 312 

Tiikel-Buqa, son of Toqiqonqa, no 

Tiikel-Buqa, son of Toqta, iogn 

Ttikiinche, 109 

T‘u-lu, 20 n 

Turaan, 28n 

Tiimeken, 104 

Tiimen, son of Nal'ighu, 139 

Tiimen, son of Quli, 104, 105 

Tiimen Ba’urchi, 314 

Tiimen Noyan, 263 

Tiimen-Temiir, in 

Tung-Cheng (Tung sheng; Tokoto), 145 
T‘ung-cheng yuan, 280a 
Tunggon, see Tungqan Qahalqa 
Tungkwan, see Tungqan Qahalqa 
Tung shfing, see Tung-Cheng 
Tungqan Qahalqa (Tunggon; Tung- 
kwan), 35 
Tunjinvan, 280 
Tuqar, 60 

Tuqchi Kiiregen, 312 
Tu[q]lu[q], 20n 
Tuqluq-Buqa, 26, 28 
Tuqluq-Oljei, 313 
Tuqluq-Temiir, 28 
Turaqu, 306 
Turchan, 28n 
Tiiri, 1 1 1 

Turkish and Mongol tribes, 9 

Turkistan, 146, 177, 18 1, 183, 257, 300 

Turks, 7 

Turmi'sh, 298 

Turqaq, 41 

Tus, 26, 74, 75 

Tutar, i04«, 113, 122, 123 

Tutluq, 142 

Tu-tsung, 303n 

Tutuch, no 

Tuva, Republic of, 108/2 

Tuzghu, 64 

Tuzghu-Bal'iq, 64 

Tuzon, 303 

Uchachar, 257, 258, 279, 297, 320 
Uch-Oghul-Uledemiir, 69 
Uch-Qurtuqa, son of Ayachi, 1 1 2 
Uch-Qurtuqa, son of Olqutu, 106 
Uchiiken, m 
Udur, 99, 100, 115 
Uduyit-Merkit, ign 



Cgechi, 108 
TJhaz-Merkit, 18 

Uighur (people), 87, 126, 218, 278, 279, 

Uighuristan, 94 

Uighurtai, 26, 141, 142/2 

Ujin Egechi, 313 

Uladai, son of Baraq, 1 39 

Uladai, son of Buqa Kiiregen, 197 

Uladai, son of Ishal, 137 

Ulakh, 125 

Ulagh peoples, 70 

Ulaghchi, 10822, 122 

Ulai-Temur, 59 

Ulaqut, 71 

Oledemur, 69 

*Ulirlik, 58, 201 

Ulugh-Ef, 189 

Ulugh-Noyan (title of Tolui), 30, 159 
Ulugh-Taq, 214 
Ulus Taifu, 229 

Ulus-Buqa, son ofBolaqai, 109/2 
Ulus-Buqa, son of Shiregi, 198, 269, 

‘Umar, son of Ahmad, 136 
‘Umar Finjan, 279, 282 
‘Umar Khita’i, 283 
‘Umar Khwaja, 25 
‘Umar Qirqizi, 294, 295 
‘Umar Yu-Ching, 299 
Unc, 97 n 
Unc Kan, 9722 
*Unegejin, 267 
Un-Ui, 145 
Ural, river, 5722 
Uraqai, 32321 
Urfa, 19322 

Uriyangqadai, 227, 248, 249, 250 
Uriyangqat (people), 108 
Urmiya, 47, 105 
Urot Banner, 14522 

Urunge (Uriinggii; Urungu) (river), 310, 

.. 3 ICW 

Uriinggii (river), see Urunge (river) 
Urungqut, 71 

Urughtai, grandson of Kolgen, 266 
t)riing-Tash, 197, 224, 251, 260 
Uriing-Temiir, 116 
Urungu (river), see Urunge (river) 
Uruqsaq (people), 201 
Urusaq, 114 

Uru’ut (people), 38, 225 
Ushanan, 106 

Ushin (Hiishin) (people), tog, 10922, 244, 
3>E 3i2 
Ustukhwan, 19722 
Usun-Qol, 64 
Uz, 6322 
Uzan, 63 

Uzi (Dnieper), river, 125, 127 

Vahar, 232 
Vajra, 15422 
Vakhsh (river), 25 
Vanchu, 29222 
Vazir, 154-56 
Vazir, 15422 
Vlachs, 7022, 7122 

Vladimir, son of the Grand Duke Y uri, 5922 
Vladimir (town), 24122 
Vladimir Volynsky, 6922 
Volga (river), see Etil (river) 

Vsevolod III, 6022 

Wan, 278/1 

Wan-an kung, 6222 

Wang, 9722 

Wang Chun, 4122 

Wang Sun, 4122 

Wci-yuan, 28722 

Wells, H. G., 13 

White Castle, see Qal‘a-yi Sapid 

White Horde, 10022 

Wolff (O.), 2222 

Wuchai, see Fu-jiu (Wuchai) 

Wuchang, see Oju 
Wu-chou, see Fu-Jiu (Wuchai) 

Wutsin, 27222 

Xanadu, 25222 

Yachi (Ya-c.h‘ih ; Yiin-nan fu; Kunming), 
226 22, 283, 28322 
Ya-ch‘ih, see Yachi 
Yaghan Tegin, 283 
Yaghan-Sonqur, 51-52 
Yailaq, son of Musalman, 105 
Yailaq, son of Saljidai Kiiregen, 126, 127 
Yailaq, wife of Noqai, 129 
Yalavach, see Mahmud Yalavach and 
Mas'ud Beg 

Yam, 55, 62-63, 280, 326 
Yamchi, 253 
Yang, 282 

Yangchow, see Yangju 
Yangichar, 24 



Yangiu, 282ft 

Yangju (Jingju; Yangchow), 245, 245ft, 
282, 282ft 

Yangku, see Tai-Wang-Fu 
Yangtse. see Keng (river) 

Yao chou, see Yauju 
Ya’qub Beg, 283 
Yaqudu, 162ft 
Yaqiit Terken, 307 
Yaqutu, 105 
Yarligh, 13 
Yaruq, 104 

Tasas, 77, 78; see also Great Yasa 
Tasa’ul, 312ft 
Yasa’ur, emir, 21 1 

Yasa’ur, one Qubilai’s courtiers, 287 
Yasa’ur, son of Chiibei, 144 
Yasa’ur, son or Yesiin-To’a, 139, 153 
Tastin, 197ft 

Yauju (Yao chou), 226, 226ft, 227 
Yayiq (river), see Ural (river) 

Yebe, son of Mu-min, 139 

Yebe, son of Qadan, 28 

Yeh-mi-li Ho-chi, 120 n 

Yeke, representative of Sorqoqtani, 51 

Yeke, son of Bachqirtai, 103 

Yeke-Deresiin, 103ft 

Yeke-Noyan (title of Tolui), 30, 159 

Yeke- Qadan, 224, 251, 252, 254, 262, 264 

Yeke-Qoruq, 228 

Yeke-Yurqu, 60 

Yekii, emir of Chabui’s or do, 229, 248 
Yekii, son of Hindu, 114 
Yekii, son of Jochi-Qasar, 204 
Yellow River, see Qara-Moren 
l'eshivah, 3 
Yesii, 250, 251 

Yesii-Buqa, son of Berkecher, 1 1 1 
Yesii-Buqa, son of Jochi-Buqa, 1 1 1 
Yesii-Buqa, son of Kiiyen, 20 

Yesii-Buqa, son of Qutlugh-Temiir, 112 
Yesii-Buqa, son of Shingqur, 114 
Yesiider, son of Qadan, 28 
Yesiider, wife ofYobuqur, 3x1 
Yesiilun, 135, 136, 137 
Yesii-Mongke, 135, 143, 149, 182, 186, 
203, 204, q 16 
Yesiin Qahalqa, 225 
Yesiingge, 204, 224, 226, 249, 250, 251, 
252, 253, 255, 256. 262, 264 
Yesiin-Temiir, 242, 320 
Yesiin-To’a, son of Melik-Temiir, 313 
Yesiin-To’a, son of Mo’etiiken, 138, 139, 
180, 204, 213 

Yesii-Toqa, see Yesiin-To’a 
Yighmish, 279, 298, 299, 330 
Yilqichi, 1 16 
Ying-kuo kung, 304ft 
Yisiin Noyan, xo6 

Yobuqur, 161, 266-69, 310-11, 327-28 
Tosun, 18 

Yuan dynasty, 10 
Yuan shih, r r 
Yu-ching , 279 

Yulduzchi', Sharaf al-DIn, 43, 46, 47 

Yulduz-Temiir, 139 

Yunnan, see Qandahar and Qara-Jang 

Yiin-nei, 145ft 

Yurt, 17, 20, 1 1 7, 163, 216 

*Yus (river), 254 

Yii-shih t‘ai, 280 n 

Yusuf-Shah, 307 

Zahir, Caliph, 43, 309 

Zaitun (Chuanchow), 282, 282a, 284 

Zar-Dandan (Chin-ch‘ih), 247, 2470, 285 

Zhen, 282 

Zhushitai, 280 

Zo-ching, 279 

Zulaikha, 323 





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